Signs are all around us that our President desires significantly to be a dictator. From what began as a joke of Bill 10, it was evident that had those changes taken place – it would have led to a severe crisis of our democracy. The people of Zambia stood together, from Milenge to Mongu, and from Chavuma to Chadiza, to resist the dictatorial tendencies. And so when October 2020 came, it was jubilation, the people of Zambia had won. But more than just the resolve of the people to resist Bill 10, there are several other reasons why the President cannot succeed in his desire to be a dictator in Zambia. With that in mind, he should really sober-up and lead this country in a very transparent and democratic manner. A dictatorship will not work. Here is why.
First, most of the dictators, particularly in Africa, start very young. Age is not on President Lungu’s side. Nearly all the dictators such as Robert Mugabe, begun their political careers pretty young. By his forties, Mugabe was already a rebel leader fighting for the independence of his Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. When he finally made it to rule in 1980, age was still on his side. The same can be said of all the other dictators: Kamuzu Banda or our very own loved former autocrat – Kenneth David Kaunda. When you realise that age is not on your side, you are supposed to sober-up and give up the dictatorship’s false ambition.
Second, President Lungu cannot succeed in turning Zambia into a dictatorship because he lacks deep military embedment. And that is perhaps a massive blessing of Zambian history – the fact that our political leaders do not have a deep historical affinity with our military. Our military is, in many ways, entirely professional and remains profoundly apolitical. This is perhaps taken from the Kaunda days – when Kenneth Kaunda, despite his go at an autocracy kept the military as apolitical as possible. Further, it appears that nations led by liberation movements who used military agitation for independence have politicians with deeper links with the military than nations like Zambia, where the independence movements were for the most civilian movements. When you realise that you have no firm military embedment, you are supposed to lead a democratic nation in a manner that is consistent with the rule of law. Given the Zambia Air Force’s push back on UPND leader Hakainde Hichilema’s sentiments that he would auction the presidential jet once he becomes President of Zambia, it is quite comforting to note that the military in Zambia remains relatively non-partisan and we hope that they will continue being so. The military statement should not in any way make us feel like the military has become political. It will all work out just fine. Indeed, suppose it is Zambia’s civilian leaders’ wish to get rid of the “amanone” excesses of the presidency, in that case, the Zambian people should be allowed to make the changes they want. Including selling the presidential jet that even if it is a military aircraft, it may have been purchased with exorbitant kaloba. Our military should really pride itself in the equipment it can actually afford, rather than the equipment it purchases using exorbitant kaloba. There is no military security in kaloba. If anything, a nation that depends on shylocks to purchase its military equipment may face serious security risks. But anyway, I do believe that if the people of Zambia were to elect Mr Hakainde Hichilema as the country’s commander-in-chief, both military and civilian leaders would find a compromise regarding that kaloba jet.
Third, President Lungu cannot succeed in turning himself into a dictator because of the Zambian judiciary’s nature. Despite our problems, the Zambian judiciary enjoys some relative independence. They do come through from time to time to save our democracy. When the ministers thought they could get away with the money they stole from the Zambian people by overstaying their political appointment, the court was on hand to provide checks and balances. And by now, all the minister should have paid back the money the Constitutional Court levied against them. When we look at our judiciary’s growing strength, I am very optimistic that President Lungu cannot succeed at entrenching a dictatorship no matter how hard he tries.
Fourth, even if Zambians do not see it, Zambian tribes are far much more united than their neighbouring counterparts. Perhaps as a blessing of a relatively smaller population in a vast land, we do not have as deadly tribal clashes as other countries. Now, I am not saying that there is no tribalism in Zambia. Of course, there is, and I have on several fora advocated for a more tribally balanced political leadership.
Nevertheless, most dictatorships flourish under cover of endemic tribalism. And endemic tribalism is impossible to foster in Zambia. Of course, we have anti-Tonga sentiments here and there mainly from the Patriotic Front leaders – but each time a reckless PF politician spews their anti-Tonga sentiments, many Zambians are on hand to show the PF tribalists a thing or two. And so there is a huge possibility that in 2021 a Tonga leader may, in fact, be elected as President of Zambia – a massive testament to the unitary strength of our republic. Without tribal appeal and endemic tribalism – President Lungu cannot succeed in planting himself as the dictator in chief. Another issue that makes tribalism challenging to prosper in Zambia is inter-tribal integrations in Zambia through marriages, work, or school.
Further, complicated traditional succession structures practised among Zambian tribes provide a considerable check on tribalism. Among Ushis, for example, succession is through the mother, and not the father. And so we do have situations in Mansa where a chief of the Ushis was actually fathered by a Tonga or a Lozi. That Ushi chief is as Ushi, and in fact more Ushi than an Ushi born from an Ushi father, but not an Ushi mother. I hope this makes sense. So good luck trying some anti-Tonga sentiments to that Ushi chief in Mansa. It will not fly as it is One Tonga One Nation. Even as some tribes practice matrilinealism like the Ushis, some practice patrilinealism, showing our diversity’s complicated nature. And it is this diversity that will make it difficult to embed tribalism or a dictatorship.
Fifth, Zambians are, by nature, overly talkative people. All Zambians. It appears like talking is their second nature. Even things that do not make sense, they still talk. And talking is an essential part of our democracy. Zambians cannot stomach the idea of one person monopolising the talking industry. No way. And so that is how Zambians democracy gets saved – by talking. By associating. By umungulu. By the human weakness of envy and jealous. By the desire of neighbours wanting some amanone. Because Zambians talk and generally desire to present themselves as leaders – it provides a considerable challenge for a dictator. How can you oppress a people that talk a lot? Just look at the PF now – what really speaks to the strength of our democracy is in how many in PF actually want to be President of PF or President of the country. They all see themselves as a president one day – Bowman, Kampyongo, Chilufya, or even Chitotela. This political competition or perceived political competition contributes to a healthy outcome that acts as a barrier to one person monopolising power. When Chiluba thought that he could get away with it – he was shocked to find that even his loyal vice-president Christone Tembo, also wanted the ka position. He too was ambitious, and that ambition saved our country. Imagine where we would have been had Tembo or Miyanda lacked the ambition to provide Frederick Chiluba’s alternative? We would all have become the Republic of Musangu, or Republic of Kafupi.
We must never underestimate the power of private citizens talking and organising. It is the Zambian way to prevent any political leader from thinking that they can turn Zambia into a dictatorship. Ifyashala lundenipo.
Elias Munshya can be reached at elias@munshyalaw.com.