🇿🇲 READER OPINION | Bill 7 After Assent: Power, Parties & Test of Democracy
The assent to the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act, 2025, commonly referred to as Bill 7, marks a consequential moment in Zambia’s constitutional and democratic evolution. The reforms reflect an attempt to respond to population growth, electoral pressures, and long-standing advocacy for broader inclusion within representative institutions.
The expansion of the National Assembly and the introduction of a mixed-member proportional representation system signal a deliberate shift away from the purely constituency-based model that defined the pre-amendment framework.
Public reception has been mixed. Much of the opposition to the Bill drew heavily on the Munir Zulu and Celestine Mukandila versus the Attorney General case. While sections of civil society, women’s movements, youth organisations and disability rights advocates have welcomed the constitutional recognition of historically marginalised groups, other voices have raised concerns about the increasing centrality of political parties in mediating representation.
These concerns are neither abstract nor unfounded. Under the amended framework, political parties now assume a heightened constitutional role, particularly in the allocation of proportional representation seats and in the replacement of Members of Parliament without by-elections, functions previously anchored more directly in voter participation under Articles 57 and 68 of the former Constitution.
This shift places a profound responsibility on political parties themselves. It must be stated plainly that Zambia’s current political party environment is strained. Internal party democracy remains uneven, party structures are often highly centralised, and factional loyalty too frequently outweighs merit and national interest. The danger of party dominance over popular will is therefore not theoretical and cannot be ignored.
The amended Constitution assumes the existence of responsible, transparent and democratic political parties. Whether Zambia’s parties are fully prepared to meet this assumption remains an open and serious question. This responsibility does not rest with party leadership alone. Party members at all levels must remain actively engaged, informed and vigilant in how party lists are compiled, debated and finalised.
Silence or disengagement within parties will inevitably translate into exclusion at the national level. Citizens who are not card-carrying members must also continue to scrutinise political parties as public institutions exercising constitutional authority, not as private clubs insulated from accountability.
Equally concerning is the unfinished work of implementation, particularly regarding the operationalisation of the proportional representation system itself. While the Constitution now establishes proportional representation, the detailed mechanics remain unspecified. These include the governing electoral law, the mathematical formula to be applied, and whether seat allocation will follow quota-based, divisor-based or hybrid methods.
This uncertainty is not merely technical. It goes to the heart of electoral legitimacy in a constitutional democracy and demands close attention from Parliament, the Electoral Commission, civil society and citizens alike.
With respect to women, youths and persons with disabilities, the amendments undeniably introduce guaranteed constitutional recognition where none previously existed in practical terms.
However, the language employed, specifically the phrase “not more than” in defining the number of reserved seats, suggests that the reform is incremental rather than transformative. While these provisions mark an important starting point, they also weaken certainty of outcomes by leaving representation contingent on political will rather than constitutionally entrenched minimums.
In this context, Bill 7 now law should be understood as a transition point, not a conclusion. The Constitution has opened new democratic pathways, but it has also shifted considerable power into the hands of political parties and secondary legislation. Whether this moment strengthens Zambia’s constitutional democracy or deepens public disillusionment will depend not on the text alone, but on the conduct, restraint and vigilance of political actors and citizens alike. The defence of popular sovereignty now moves from the page to practice.
It is also necessary to express a measure of regret. As Zambians, particularly within the intellectual and professional community, we often engage public issues intensely only at the height of controversy. Once an issue moves out of the immediate spotlight, sustained observation, critique and constructive engagement tend to fade.
Constitutional reform, however, does not end with debate or assent. Its real effects unfold gradually in law, institutions and society. Observance must persist beyond the moment. Critique must mature beyond reaction. Support must remain principled rather than partisan.
🔖 Submission By: Gift Kangele —MA Candidate, International Relations & Strategic Thinking
⬆️ Editor’s Note: This reader opinion reflects the author’s independent analysis. The People’s Brief publishes diverse, well-argued perspectives to enrich public understanding of national issues. We invite readers to submit opinion articles and commentaries to editor.peoplesbrief@gmail.com.
© The People’s Brief | Gift Kangele