FACTS 1ST | Debunking the Delimitation Narrative
Zambia’s constitutional debate has taken a sharper turn following claims by academic Sishuwa Sishuwa, who argues that President Hakainde Hichilema is “desperate” to create new constituencies to manage internal party strife and entrench his political future. His commentary, now widely circulated in PF-aligned spaces, has become a rallying point for opposition sentiment. However, a sober analysis of the record reveals significant gaps, assumptions and rhetorical leaps that demand scrutiny.
First, the factual record.
The delimitation recommendations currently under political discussion were produced by the Electoral Commission of Zambia during the Edgar Lungu administration. This is easily verifiable through ECZ publications, 2020 public hearings and ministerial briefings at the time. The process did not start under President Hichilema, nor is there evidence that he has authored a new list of constituencies awaiting political manipulation. The ECZ’s mandate is constitutional and independent. Any delimitation proposal originates from the Commission, not State House.
Second, the question of access.
Sishuwa claims he has “seen” the latest ECZ report but does not provide the full list of constituencies. His article lists only selective constituencies largely drawn from Southern, Western, Central and Northwestern provinces. If his access was genuine, full disclosure of all recommended splits would be expected. The incomplete list raises methodological concerns and invites questions about the accuracy of the claims. It is unusual for academic commentary to rely on partial reports, especially when the claims have serious national implications.
Third, the logic of political advantage.
Even if constituencies were created in regions favourable to the ruling party, this would not alter the number of registered voters. Delimitation redistributes geography, not votes. It does not produce new voters or inflate a provincial register. Votes remain tied to individuals, not maps. A new constituency only divides an administrative area. It does not create automatic electoral advantage unless one assumes voters lack agency. The assumption that constituency creation guarantees victory ignores historical cases where ruling parties lost newly created seats.
Fourth, the argument on internal UPND conflict.
Sishuwa argues that new constituencies are intended to appease aspirants who may threaten sitting MPs. His evidence consists of assumptions, speculative motives and unsupported claims drawn from unnamed sources. The language used, such as “Hichilema is desperate,” “sleepless nights” and “implosion,” is interpretive rather than evidentiary. It frames internal party competition, which is common in every democracy, as crisis. Without documentary evidence, this reasoning remains conjecture rather than fact.
Fifth, the rhetorical strategy.
The article’s language is structured to provoke concern. Terms like “dying to create,” “gerrymandering,” and “life presidency” frame a constitutional process as an existential threat. This style mirrors political messaging more than academic analysis. The narrative closely mirrors PF talking points and is now being used by PF supporters as validation. Yet the same PF is telling its supporters, through Brian Mundubile, that they will “defeat Bill 7 on the floor of the House.”
If that is the case, why fear parliamentary process? Bill 10 itself was rejected in Parliament. The Constitution protects legislative autonomy.
Sixth, the issue of transparency.
If the ECZ report is eventually published and differs from Sishuwa’s claims, public trust in academic commentary will suffer. Until then, the foundation of his argument remains unverifiable. Strong claims require strong evidence. Selective disclosure does not meet that standard.
Seventh, the broader political context.
Delimitation has been a long-standing debate across three administrations. The PF attempted it before the 2021 election. The MMD attempted it in the early 2010s. ECZ has repeatedly indicated that Zambia’s population distribution requires adjustments, especially in high-density urban areas like Lusaka.
Provinces like Lusaka and Copperbelt have larger populations but fewer constituencies. If delimitation were based strictly on population, most new seats should emerge in these regions. Sishuwa does not address this contradiction.
Eighth, the civic responsibility.
The Constitution gives Parliament the final authority over boundaries. PF MPs opposition members have already indicated they will vote against the Bill. If they believe the Bill is harmful, parliamentary procedure offers a lawful remedy.
Zambia has precedent. Bill 10 fell in Parliament. The system works when institutions function.
Editorial Note
This analysis does not defend any political position. It responds to the growing circulation of speculative claims that are now shaping public sentiment through selective evidence and rhetorical framing. Citizens deserve clarity rooted in verifiable facts, not conjecture.
© The People’s Brief | Editors
Mwasabaila ba UPND brief!
The delimitation does not alter votes and bla bla bla, spewing nonsense.
Who is saying delimitation alters votes? Delimitation alters Constituencies. And that’s the issue at hand.
If North Western Province ends up with 20
Constituencies from 12, Western Province 28 from 19 , Southern Province 29 from 18, and Central Province 22 from 15, meanwhile Luapula, Northern, Eastern, Copper belt, Lusaka and Muchinga get 2 to 3 Seats , the legislative power is being skewed to 3 Regions.
And that’s the Scam of the illegitimate and unconstitutional Bill 7 Hakainde is pushing.
Regional Hegemony of the 3 regions of Zambia..
Whoever holds the Legislature owns the Country..The 3 Regions will have power to make and unmake laws. The 50+1, Running mate, 2 -5 Year Terms for the President, Zambia as a Unitary state will easily fall off.
The people of Zambia won’t let go of him..
We will hold him with Super Glue , Ubulimbo, Tasuswile until he does the following;
. RELEASES THE DELIMITATION REPORT
. EXPLAINS HOW HE CAME UP WITH 55
ADDITIONAL CONSTITUENCY BASED PARLIAMENTARY SEATS
. SHOWS THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE 55 PARLIAMENTARY SEATS.
. RELEASES POPULATION CENSUS RESULTS FOR DISTRICTS AND CONSTITUENCIES.
We demand this NOW…
To the Oasis Forum and ZCCB, ensure you hold this man. He shouldn’t slip away.
We are not fools.
Bill Summary: The Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill No. 7 of 2025
23 May 2025 · Maria Mulenga Kasoma
The Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill No. 7 of 2025
Name of the Bill as appearing on the Order Paper:
The Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill, 2025
The Stage of the Bill:
Summary of What the Bill Proposes to Do
This Bill proposes to amend the Constitution of Zambia to revise various provisions relating to the composition and functioning of the National Assembly, electoral processes, and local government structures. It seeks to increase the number of constituency-based seats in the National Assembly from one hundred and fifty-six to two hundred and eleven, to give effect to the delimitation report issued by the Electoral Commission. In doing so, the Bill also introduces a mixed-member proportional representation electoral system for electing Members of Parliament. Under this new system, the first-past-the-post method will apply to constituency-based seats. At the same time, women, youths, and persons with disabilities will be elected through proportional representation. The seats are distributed based on the total number of votes obtained by political parties on the proportional representation ballot.
The Bill further proposes to revise the procedures for filing nominations, addressing resignations and disqualifications of candidates, and handling vacancies due to death. It amends the provisions concerning by-elections, specifying that these shall not be held within one hundred and eighty days before a general election. It also seeks to revise the number of nominated Members of Parliament and to harmonise the terms of Parliament and councils to a unified five-year period, beginning from the first sitting after a general election. Additionally, the Bill provides for a vacancy in the office of Minister and Provincial Minister ninety days before a general election and removes the two-term limit previously applicable to the offices of mayor and council chairperson.
The composition of councils is revised to include Members of Parliament holding constituency-based seats, and the Bill also updates the qualifications for appointment to the office of Secretary to the Cabinet. It allows the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General to continue in office after a general election until new appointments are made. The Bill clarifies the period within which an election petition must be concluded and amends several definitions, including those of “child”, “adult”, “election”, and “term”, to provide legal clarity and consistency. It also makes provision for various related and incidental matters.
THIS IS BILL 7
Here are the 13 amendments to the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill, 2025, along with reasons why we should support them:
1. *Increase in National Assembly seats*: From 156 to 211 constituency-based seats, aligning with the Electoral Commission’s delimitation report.
– Reason: This will enhance representation and democracy, ensuring more citizens have a voice in parliament.
2. *Mixed-member proportional representation*: Introducing a system to guarantee representation for women, youths, and persons with disabilities.
– Reason: This will promote inclusivity and diversity, ensuring marginalized groups have a stronger voice in parliament.
3. *Reserved seats*: 20 for women, 12 for youths, and 3 for persons with disabilities, allocated based on party performance.
– Reason: This will ensure more representation and participation of marginalized groups in decision-making processes.
4. *Removal of two-term limit for mayors and council chairpersons*: Promoting accountability and transparency.
– Reason: This will allow experienced leaders to continue serving, promoting stability and good governance.
5. *Harmonization of parliamentary and council terms*: Aligning terms to 5 years, promoting stability and good governance.
– Reason: This will ensure consistency and predictability, allowing for more effective planning and implementation.
6. *Vacancy in Minister’s office 90 days before elections*: Ensuring accountability and transparency.
– Reason: This will prevent abuse of power and ensure a smooth transition.
7. *Revised qualifications for Secretary to Cabinet*: From 10 years to 5 years, promoting meritocracy.
– Reason: This will ensure the best candidates are appointed, regardless of experience.
8. *Attorney-General and Solicitor-General continue in office*: Until new appointments are made, ensuring continuity.
– Reason: This will ensure stability and consistency in government operations.
9. *Revised definition of “child” and “adult”*: Clarifying legal definitions, promoting clarity.
– Reason: This will ensure consistency and clarity in laws and policies.
10. *Election petition deadlines*: Specifying timelines, promoting efficiency.
– Reason: This will ensure timely resolution of disputes, promoting stability.
11. *Inclusion of MPs in councils*: Enhancing representation and participation.
– Reason: This will ensure MPs are more involved in local governance, promoting accountability.
12. *Revised nomination procedures*: Addressing resignations and disqualifications, promoting fairness.
– Reason: This will ensure a smooth and fair process, promoting democracy.
13. *Clarification of partial terms*: Addressing ambiguities, promoting clarity.
– Reason: This will ensure consistency and fairness, preventing abuse of power.
Overall, these amendments aim to strengthen democracy, promote accountability, and enhance representation and participation in Zambia.
I think this is one of the best amendments.