Is William Ruto the most disliked president in Kenya’s history?

Kenya’s William Ruto rode into office on a wave of enthusiasm
among ordinary people who hoped he would live up to his
promises to improve their lives. Instead, he is facing
unrelenting criticism – seen as unmatched in the country’s
history.

Seemingly frustrated by the intensity of the backlash, he on
Wednesday asked why such public outrage was never directed at
his predecessors, including Daniel arap Moi, who ruled with an
iron fist for over two decades marked by political repression
and human rights abuses, and others who departed under clouds
of controversy.

On Wednesday Ruto posed: “All this chaos, why wasn’t it
directed at [former presidents] Moi, Mwai Kibaki, Uhuru
Kenyatta…Why the contempt and arrogance?”

Analysts describe the current wave of public anger toward
President Ruto, which has seen more than 100 people killed over
the past year, as “unprecedented”, uniting Kenyans across
ethnic, religious, and class divisions.

Protests against his administration began barely a year after
he came into power. Three years in, many aggrieved Kenyans now
want him gone – amid unrelenting protests with rallying calls
of “Ruto must go” and “Ruto Wantam” (Ruto for one term).
When Ruto was vying for the presidency, he portrayed himself as
a common man, who came from a childhood marked by poverty and
resilience. He appealed to the ordinary folk as a person they
could draw inspiration from – having risen from chicken seller
to president.

Contrast that to earlier this year, when a newspaper splashed a
headline asking whether Ruto was “Kenya’s most hated
president”, a sentiment that has often echoed across social
media platforms and public discourse.
It marks an extraordinary change in Kenyan politics, often
shaped by ethnic allegiances and class divisions. Just as Ruto
was seen as transcending those barriers to clinch the
presidency, the same dynamics now appear to be working against
him.

This week the phrase “We are all Kikuyus,” trended on social
media as young people rejected attempts to reintroduce the
ethnic divisions that have long plagued Kenyan politics. A
counter narrative of “We are all Kenyans” emerged but failed to
gain similar traction – with some seeing it as an attempt to
dilute the expression of solidarity in the first message.
The Kikuyu, Kenya’s largest ethnic group from the Mt Kenya
region, overwhelmingly backed Ruto in the 2022 elections,
together with Rigathi Gachagua, who hails from the region, as
his deputy.

But Gachagua’s hounding from office last year through a
dramatic impeachment process, which he described as a betrayal,
sparked discontent in the region. In the aftermath, some
politicians allied to Ruto have accused Kikuyu elites of
fuelling opposition against the president.

Political analyst Mark Bichachi says the opposition to the
president is not ethnically driven, but is happening across
diverse communities in urban and rural areas.
He terms the “public outcry against a president and a regime”
both “unprecedented” and “historical”, even surpassing the
political upheavals of the 1980s and 1990s when Moi led a
one-party state.

The period was marked by brutal crackdowns and a bloody fight
for multiparty democracy, but Mr Bichachi tells the BBC that
this did not generate the kind of pressure now bearing down on
Ruto, adding that the tensions then were linked to the Cold War
and were felt across the continent.

But academic Dr Njoki Wamai says the criticism levelled at the
president is nothing unusual, but part of a political tradition
during moments of crisis.
“All presidents, when they’ve gone against the constitution,
against the will of the Kenyan people, have always faced a lot
of criticism,” she tells the BBC.

She points to past leaders such as the founding president Jomo
Kenyatta and his successor Moi – who both faced an intense
backlash and loss of public trust during critical moments –
including after the assassination of key political leaders and
the coup attempt against Moi in 1982.

“What is different [this time] is that the scale of spread of
information is higher,” she says, noting the impact of Kenya’s
digitally savvy youth, whose widespread access to social media
and digital tools has amplified public discourse.

She also describes Ruto as always having been “very
conservative,” suggesting that his political outlook clashes
with the more liberal values embraced by many Kenyans –
particularly young people.
This ideological mismatch, she argues, has contributed to
growing tensions.
The current resistance campaigns are largely youth-led,
online-based, decentralised and seen as leaderless, mostly
unfolding outside the established political class. Since last
year, they have been driven by anger over the high cost of
living, aggressive taxation, corruption and police brutality.
But pointing to ethnic politics and incitement as fuelling the
latest unrest, the president said on Wednesday: Let’s stop
ethnic division, hatred, pride and contempt. We are all
Kenyans”.

He vowed to use “whatever means necessary” to maintain peace
and stability. He called on the police to shoot in the legs
protesters who were targeting businesses, rather than killing
them. His remarks sparked more outrage and mockery.
Since last year, the Kenyan government has responded to
protests and dissent with brutal crackdowns, including mass
arrests and alleged abductions by security operatives.
It is a strategy that rights groups say has only deepened
public outrage and alienated the citizens from the state, with
the police accused of using excessive force to quell the
protests.

More than 100 people have been killed in successive waves of
anti-government protests since June last year. The latest one
on Monday claimed 38 lives, marking the deadliest day of unrest
yet.

Rather than serve as a catalyst for police reform or push
efforts to pacify the demonstrators, the deaths have often
served as a spark for subsequent protests, turning grief into
rage.

The government has blamed the violence on protesters, accusing
them of attacking police stations and even trying to stage a
coup.

Political communication expert Dr Hesbon Owilla calls the
unrest “probably the most intense outrage against a regime” in
Kenya’s history. He says it has brought people from all walks
of life to unite in defiance.

He puts it down to how the president communicates to the
people. He says Ruto’s promises to uplift the fortunes of
ordinary people were “real, extremely real” and shifted the
campaign from ethnic mobilisation toward issue-based politics.
“Then he became president. We are still waiting. What Kenyans
are experiencing is worse,” he tells the BBC, capturing the
deep sense of disappointment among many Kenyans.
He says that unlike past governments that made cautious
promises, Ruto made, and continues to make, sweeping pledges
leading to broken expectations.

“The disillusionment is creating the rage,” he says.
Citing the example of the order to shoot protesters, he also
says that the president often speaks when silence might serve
him better – overexposing himself and inadvertently making
serious national issues feel personal.
As a result, when there is criticism, it tends to be directed
squarely at him, rather than being attributed to a failure of
governance systems.

Even so, Ruto has repeatedly highlighted his administration’s
efforts to better the lives of all Kenyans, pointing to the
government’s flagship affordable housing project, a universal
health scheme, digital jobs, and an overseas employment
programme as key achievements.

While inspecting one of the housing sites this week, he
acknowledged the severity of youth unemployment but emphasised
that the problem predates his presidency.
He insisted that his government was the first to take
deliberate steps to tackle the crisis, citing state initiatives
such as the housing project that he says has created hundreds
of thousands of jobs.

The president appealed for patience, as the problem would take
time to resolve.
Yet patience, especially amid the high cost of living, unmet
expectations, and growing frustration, is not something that
most Kenyans feel they can afford.

Some of those flagship programmes have come at a steep cost to
Kenyans, who now have 1.5% housing levy and a 2.75% health
insurance tax deducted from their monthly incomes. The pain of
paying some of these higher taxes has dominated everyday
conversations, especially with a perception that higher taxes
have not resulted in better public services.

To the government’s credit, Dr Owilla says some of the
initiatives, like the universal healthcare project, have had a
great impact, and others may eventually deliver for many.
But Mr Bichachi argues that the government has “lost touch with
how people feel”, and its tone has remained unchanged despite
rising public resentment.

He says the issue is unlikely to change based on how the
government performs – describing it as a “love-hate
relationship” between the people and the presidency.
That is “how we find ourselves where we are”, he concludes,
referring to the intense resentment that is now faced by the
president, who was once one of the “the most applauded and
lauded leaders to come onto the Kenyan state”.