Mushota Chama Chakomboka —the man Zambia laughed at until some of his ideas started making sense

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Mushota Chama Chakomboka —the man Zambia laughed at until some of his ideas started making sense.

There are politicians who enter Zambia’s political history because they won elections.

Then there are politicians who enter it because they made the political establishment uncomfortable.

And then there was Chakomboka, born on November 27, 1930 in Kawambwa.

Chakomboka was a businessman, political activist, opposition leader and certified political eccentric whose ideas were sometimes so far ahead of the national conversation that Zambians simply decided the easiest explanation was that the man was mad.

In hindsight, perhaps Zambia should have listened a little more carefully.

In July 1981, President Kenneth Kaunda detained Chakomboka alongside four prominent trade union leaders that included Frederick Chiluba, Newstead Zimba, Chitalu Sampa and Timothy Walambna following major strikes in the copper and cobalt industries.

The government accused them of instigating industrial unrest and plotting to take over government.

Imagine that.

One day you are a businessman worrying about copper, cobalt and the economy; the next morning the President has apparently decided that you are part of a national conspiracy.

Zambian politics has never been short of drama.

The 1981 detention was particularly significant because some of the people caught up in that episode would later become central figures in the movement that ended UNIP’s one-party rule.

But Chakomboka’s political journey did not end in a prison cell.

Far from it.

Chakomboka was a successful entrepreneur from Luanshya who eventually became one of the country’s more colourful opposition politicians.

And colourful is putting it mildly.

While other politicians were producing the usual political menu jobs, roads, schools, hospitals and cheaper everything Chakomboka had a rather different sales pitch.

He spoke about Zambia’s untapped mineral wealth.

He insisted the country possessed enormous deposits of minerals including gold, oil, diamonds, cobalt and coltan, particularly in parts of North-Western Province.

And then came the part that made many Zambians laugh.

Chakomboka suggested that he knew where some of these mineral deposits were and that he would reveal the maps once he became President.

To many voters, this sounded less like a presidential manifesto and more like a treasure hunt.

The political establishment essentially looked at the man and said:

“Ba Chakomboka, please sit down.”

But Chakomboka remained convinced that Zambia was sitting on mineral wealth far beyond the copper that had dominated the national economy.

He was ridiculed for some of these claims, and his political style became the subject of jokes.

Even contemporary recollections of the 1990s describe him as a maverick whose developmental ideas were often treated more as entertainment than serious policy.

The irony is that Zambia has since continued to discover and develop deposits of gold and other minerals in North Western Province.

Suddenly, the man who sounded like he had misplaced a treasure map doesn’t look quite as ridiculous as he did in the 1990s.

History has a wicked sense of humour.

When multiparty politics returned, Chakomboka was initially associated with the MMD before he became leader of the Movement for Democratic Process (MDP).

By the 1996 elections, Zambia’s opposition field had become wonderfully crowded.

With UNIP boycotting the elections, Frederick Chiluba of the MMD was the overwhelming favourite. Dean Mung’omba, Humphrey Mulemba and Akashambatwa Mbikusita-Lewanika were also competing.

And then there was Chakomboka.

The Electoral Commission of Zambia records that Chiluba won with 913,770 votes, while Chakomboka received 41,471 votes, equivalent to 3.16% of valid votes. He finished fifth among the five presidential candidates.

In other words, the presidency did not exactly land on his doorstep.

But Chakomboka was never really running the conventional political race.

His campaign was built around a different philosophy: Zambia’s natural resources should benefit ordinary Zambians; local entrepreneurs should have greater access to government contracts; employment should be generated through domestic production; and mineral wealth should translate into tangible improvements in people’s lives.

These ideas were wrapped in a political personality that made it extremely easy for opponents and the public to turn him into a punchline.

And Zambia, being Zambia, did exactly that.

Chakomboka’s problem was not necessarily that he lacked ideas.

His problem was presentation.

In Zambian politics, once people decide you are funny, good luck convincing them that you are serious. Perhaps, only Michael Sata was able to get away with that comic tag.

By the 1990s, Chakomboka had acquired something of a political-comedian reputation.

He was the man whose speeches could make people laugh even when he was discussing serious matters.

He became the sort of politician people mentioned with a chuckle.

But underneath the eccentricity was a businessman who had spent years thinking about Zambia’s economy, natural resources and the distribution of wealth.

That distinction matters.

Because political history has a nasty habit of embarrassing the people who laugh first.

Perhaps Chakomboka’s most famous political proposition was his insistence that Zambia had enormous mineral wealth waiting to be unlocked.

At the time, many people treated this almost like folklore.

Today, with Zambia’s renewed attention to gold, copper, cobalt and other critical minerals, the subject sounds considerably less absurd.

That does not prove every specific claim Chakomboka made was correct.

But it does make his broader argument that Zambia had substantial natural wealth beyond the resources traditionally exploited rather more interesting in retrospect.

Sometimes the political clown is simply the man who arrived at the party ten years too early.

Two years after losing the 1996 elections, Chakomboka died at his home in Luanshya on December 5, 1998.

His political career never reached State House.

He never became the President who opened the mysterious mineral maps and told the nation:

“Here is the gold. Here is the oil. And here is where you will find the diamonds.”

That presidential press conference never happened.

But his name survived.

And so did the questions he raised about Zambia’s mineral wealth, local ownership, employment and who actually benefits from the country’s natural resources.

Chakomboka belongs to that fascinating category of Zambian politicians who are easy to dismiss when they are alive and surprisingly difficult to ignore after they are gone.

He was not the most successful presidential candidate.

He did not command the biggest political machine.

He did not win the election.

But political history is not only written by winners.

Sometimes it is also written by the characters who said things everyone laughed at and then left future generations wondering whether perhaps they should have listened.

Chakomboka was one of those characters.

A businessman. A political activist. A former detainee. An opposition leader. A mineral prophet or, depending on whom you ask, Zambia’s original political treasure hunter.

He may have been the butt of political jokes in the 1990s.

But looking back today, there is something almost poetic about the man who kept insisting that Zambia was richer underground than the politicians above ground seemed to realise.

Perhaps Chakomboka wasn’t crazy.

Perhaps he was simply campaigning in a country that had not yet caught up with his imagination.

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