GPZ PROPOSES REFORMS ON FORMER PRESIDENTS’ BENEFITS, TWO VICE PRESIDENTS
…..the current system that withholds retirement benefits from former presidents who remain politically active is unjust and must be changed
Lusaka… Monday February 9, 2026 (SMART EAGLES)
The Golden Party of Zambia (GPZ) has proposed sweeping constitutional and governance reforms, including amendments to the benefits of former presidents and the introduction of two vice presidents.
GPZ President Jackson Silavwe said the current system that withholds retirement benefits from former presidents who remain politically active is unjust and must be changed.
“A former president has already earned their pension through service to the nation. It is unfair to deny them what they rightfully deserve simply because they choose to remain active in politics,” Mr. Silavwe told journalists in Lusaka.
Under the GPZ proposal, a sitting president who loses power through general elections would retain full retirement benefits regardless of whether they choose to retire from politics or continue participating in public affairs.
Mr. Silavwe emphasized that former presidents should be treated with dignity and respect, noting that they remain constitutional leaders even after leaving office.
“Former presidents are not rebel leaders. They are political leaders whose authority was granted by our constitution. It is essential to treat them as integral members of our governance system, not as enemies of the state,” he said.
In a separate proposal, the GPZ has called for the creation of two vice presidential positions, with clearly defined roles aimed at improving governance efficiency.
According to Mr. Silavwe, the First Vice President for Administration would serve as the second-in-command to the president and would assume office in the event of a vacancy in the presidency.
This vice president would also act on behalf of the president when the Head of State is out of the country or incapacitated, and would oversee disaster management through the Disaster Management and Mitigation Unit (DMMU).
“The administration vice president will be the one most delegated both within and outside the country and will be responsible for coordinating disaster response and mitigation,” Mr. Silavwe explained.
The proposed Second Vice President for Operations would be responsible for government business in Parliament and would serve as an ex-officio Member of Parliament.
While participating in debates and responding to questions, the vice president for operations would only vote in the event of a tie.
“We need to take parliamentary business very seriously. We cannot afford a vice president who is divided between executive and legislative duties. We need someone whose sole responsibility is parliamentary business,” Mr. Silavwe said.
He added that the reforms are intended to strengthen governance, accountability, and respect for democratic institutions.
The Golden Party of Zambia says it intends to present the proposals to the Zambian people as part of broader constitutional and governance reforms.
*Opinion | The Politics of Silence, Insults, and Desperation in the Mundubile Camp*
_By Michael Zephaniah Phiri Political Activist_
Recent events within the opposition space raise serious questions about leadership, accountability, and the ethics of silence. What the public is witnessing is not merely disagreement, it is a pattern of confusion, insults, and factional manoeuvring that demands scrutiny.
A series of public attacks by Lilian Mutambo against long-serving PF members and senior figures has unsettled many within the party. What concerns observers most is not only the tone of these remarks, but the absence of any public rebuke from Hon. Brian Mundubile, who is frequently associated with the leadership of a Tonse Alliance structure whose legal standing remains unclear. In politics, silence is rarely accidental. It often signals comfort, if not consent.
*Questions That Will Not Go Away*
There are persistent questions, widely discussed within political circles about internal disagreements following the Bill 7 episode. These discussions centre on expectations of mobilisation, control of resources, and trust among allies. While no formal disclosures have been made, the resulting divisions are visible and undeniable. When internal disputes spill into public insults, leadership must either intervene or accept responsibility for the outcome.
The conduct of former Secretary General Davies Mwila, who publicly called on those associated with Bill 7 to “apologise to the people,” further exposed these tensions. To many, this appeared less like a national moral appeal and more like an internal political signal—an attempt to restore order without addressing the root causes of disagreement.
*Institutional Confusion and Political Overreach*
The confusion deepened when appointments and titles began to emerge under a Tonse Alliance banner that lacks formal registration. Announcements of positions such as “National Chairperson for Elections” have only reinforced perceptions of disorder, raising legitimate concerns about credibility, legality, and respect for established party structures.
This disorder does not strengthen the opposition; it weakens it.
*The Risk of Trading Legacy for Leverage*
The entry of Tasila Lungu Mwansa into this contested political space has understandably drawn public attention. Her surname carries national weight because of President Edgar Chagwa Lungu’s legacy. That legacy, however, cannot and should not be used as a bargaining tool in factional struggles.
If Tasila Lungu Mwansa believes in a particular political direction, transparency is her safest ally. Ambiguity, especially when coupled with figures whose loyalty has previously been questioned, creates the perception of manipulation rather than leadership. History shows that political legacies are often diluted not by opponents, but by opportunists who promise protection while delivering isolation.
*Chawama and the Politics of Selective Gratitude*
The recent Chawama by-election offered a clear lesson. Genuine grassroots mobilisation, not political noise or opportunistic alliances, determines outcomes. Attempts to rewrite that reality, by sidelining those who did the work and elevating those who failed at the ballot, only expose a growing disconnect between leadership ambitions and ground truth.
*Conclusion: Leadership Is Action, Not Silence*
Political leadership is tested not when supporters are obedient, but when allies are attacked unfairly. Remaining silent while insults fly, institutions are confused, and legacies are leveraged is not strategic restraint, it is abdication.
Zambians are discerning. They understand the difference between unity and coercion, between strategy and desperation. Any political project built on silence, intimidation, and confusion will ultimately collapse under its own weight.
The question is no longer who is speaking loudly but who is choosing not to speak at all.
K23.2 BILLION RELEASED IN JANUARY 2026 TO KEEP SERVICES RUNNING, PAY OBLIGATIONS ON TIME, AND KEEP ZAMBIA MOVING FORWARD
By Dr. Situmbeko Musokotwane, MP, Minister of Finance & National Planning
Fellow citizens and friends of Zambia,
Our 2026 National Budget is a turning point because it is the first budget that we are implementing after stabilizing our economy under the IMF-supported Extended Credit Facility (ECF) Programme. For the last three years, we worked to fix the fundamentals—stronger fiscal discipline, lower and steadier inflation, improved reserves, reduced arrears, and restored credibility with citizens, markets, and cooperating partners. Now, the focus is clear: we are converting that stability into growth, investment, jobs, and continued cost-of-living relief.
That is why we are treating infrastructure as productive capital—not consumption. Every kwacha put into roads, electricity, and water supply and sanitation services lowers the cost of doing business, reduces everyday transport and logistics burdens, supports value chains, attracts private investment, and improves household welfare. Zambia is no longer stabilizing for its own sake; Zambia is positioning for growth.
Against that backdrop, the Government—through the Ministry of Finance and National Planning—released K23.2 billion in January 2026 to keep public services running and to sustain priority national programmes. These releases were structured to cover what keeps the country moving: the public service wage bill, debt service (domestic and external), the dismantling of arrears, statutory and social transfers, day-to-day operations, and capital expenditure that keeps infrastructure activity on course.
Here is how the January releases were applied.
First, K4.9 billion went to the Public Service Wage Bill—paying personal emoluments for health workers, teachers, security personnel, and overseas allowances for diplomats serving in our missions abroad. In plain terms, this is about protecting continuity: clinics function, schools run, and security services remain operational.
Second, K7.4 billion was applied to debt service and arrears, because credibility is not something we announce—it is something we demonstrate through consistent payment discipline. Of this amount, K6.6 billion went to domestic debt service, K310.1 million went to external debt service, and K439.9 million was used to dismantle domestic arrears owed to suppliers of goods and services.
Third, K7.7 billion was released for transfers, subsidies, and social benefits—to support livelihoods, protect vulnerable citizens, and keep key institutions delivering. This support included K1.5 billion to Grant-Aided Institutions (including hospitals and universities), K768.9 million in school grants to advance the Free Education Policy, K300 million for the Constituency Development Fund (CDF), and K120.8 million for the Local Government Equalisation Fund.
Within this same social-support category, K4.9 billion was released to the Food Reserve Agency (FRA) to settle outstanding obligations to farmers who supplied maize in the 2024/2025 crop marketing season. Let me be direct: the Government is not currently in arrears to farmers. Where reports of unpaid farmers may arise, they are most likely linked to administrative or banking processing bottlenecks between individual farmers and their banks—not because Treasury failed to fund the obligation.
We also released K147.5 million to clear outstanding dues under the Cash for Work Programme. This was done to restore integrity and confidence in the programme’s administration. With those outstanding dues addressed, the revised Cash for Work Programme will restart on a clean slate in March/April 2026.
Fourth, to keep Government institutions functioning and programmes executing without interruption, K1.8 billion was released for the implementation of programmes and other general operations—aligned to approved workplans and day-to-day service-delivery requirements.
Fifth, we released K1.4 billion for capital expenditure, because growth is built, not wished into existence. Of this amount, K655.5 million supported road infrastructure, K67.8 million supported the Rural Electrification Authority (REA), K201.9 million supported water infrastructure projects, and K440.2 million supported infrastructure development coordinated across ministries nationwide.
So what is the message of these January releases?
In January 2026, the Treasury releases reinforced three signals that matter most to citizens and markets: continuity, credibility, and clean execution. Continuity means essential public services and core Government functions did not stall. Credibility means our obligations were met in a way that sustains confidence in the Government’s payment culture and fiscal discipline. Clean execution means we did not merely release resources—we closed out legacy payment lines so that key programmes can move forward without distortions from carry-over arrears.
And let me emphasize this: the way we treated FRA dues to farmers and Cash for Work reflects the discipline of the 2026 Budget. We are settling verified obligations in an orderly manner, and we are resetting priority social interventions so they can deliver results predictably, on time, and with accountability.
That is how Zambia moves forward—from stabilization into a growth-oriented phase that is practical, jobs-focused, and visible in everyday life.
PRESIDENT HICHILEMA SAYS HE WAS NEVER AFRAID OF LOSING POPULARITY OVER IMF ENGAGEMENT
By Chamuka Shalubala
President Hakainde Hichilema says he was never afraid of being unpopular with voters when engaging the international monetary fund –IMF- to support Zambian programmes.
Delivering a key note speech at the ongoing Mining Indaba in South Africa this morning, President Hichilema emphasized that Africa must change the narrative of relying on IMF-constructed programmes.
With Zambia’s 38-month IMF programme completed and six reviews passed, President Hichilema says there is need for a growth-supporting programme, particularly for the mining sector.
He has called for country-led initiatives, saying it has to be the other way round where countries construct programmes and ask the IMF to support such programmes.
And President Hichilema also highlighted Zambia’s aim to achieve 1 million metric tons of copper production this year and urged African countries to get organized, stating that only Africans can accelerate their own growth agenda.
SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGIST WARNS GROUPINGS AGAINST ENDORSEMENTS AHEAD OF AUGUST POLLS
SOCIAL Anthropologist Dr. James Musonda has expressed concern over sudden support for the ruling UPND government by some associations during an election year, labeling it “organized cadreism”.
This follows Our-Civic-Duty Association -OCIDA’s recent endorsement of the UPND ahead of the august elections, citing the party’s economic discipline, respect for institutions, and national unity.
But in an interview, Dr. Musonda has emphasised that associations like OCIDA should unite the country, not align with specific parties.
He recalls similar undertakings during the Patriotic Front regime, citing “Christians for Lungu” and had warned that such associations risk being targeted if the ruling party loses, stressing the need for neutrality.
Dr. Musonda has urged groupings to instead prioritise national interests over partisan loyalties, promoting a more inclusive and stable political environment.
President Peter Mutharika of Malawi and his Vice-President Dr Jane Ansah made calls for prayers so that God would give Malawi rain due to a dry spell. I find this weird and truly ridiculous. Praying is okay, but praying for rain in Malawi’s case shows a failure to understand nature and science, and it is truly an insult to God.
If Malawi is facing water problems and agricultural disruption from dry spells, the starting point of the conversation should be infrastructure development, not prayer.
Malawi is home to one of the largest freshwater bodies on the planet, Lake Malawi, a lake that holds about 8,400 cubic kilometres of water. It is not a seasonal dam, it is is a permanent, renewable freshwater reserve capable of supplying the whole of Malawi’s domestic, agricultural, and industrial needs many times over.
The issue here is not that God forgot to give Malawi water. The water is already there and in abundance. The real issue is that the country has not invested adequately in the required pipelines, pumping stations, treatment plants, irrigation canals, and national distribution systems to move that water from the lake to farms, towns, and cities.
Malawi only needs US$3 billion to push water from Lake Malawi to every village and city, only US$3 billion. Malawi loses US$1.5 billion to corruption every year. Malawi needs prayers to help stop corruption, not to ask for water, it is there already, it only needs pumping.
Malawi already has a price reference point for the Salima to Lilongwe Water Supply Project, which is designed to move lake water inland to the capital, it will cost only US$315 million. Prayers do not lay pipes. Fasting does not build dams. Church services do not construct irrigation schemes.
If anything, believers could argue that divine provision has already been made through geography. A country blessed with a lake of that magnitude has been given a natural strategic resource. The responsibility of leadership is to convert that natural resource into food security through engineering, not religious sermons.
Nations that take water security seriously, like Israel in the region where Jesus was born, build transfer canals, national irrigation grids, and agro-water corridors. That is how they drought-proof agriculture.
So when leaders respond to climate change problems primarily with calls for national prayers, it raises a governance question. Are they capable to lead? Are they mobilising faith, or are they substituting policy failure with religiosity?
Malawi does not need rain water to survive during dry spells. It needs infrastructure to utilise the water it already has in Lake Malawi. I have always said that religion is misused especially in Africa, what we need is more common sense and not prayers. Religion is misused to cover incompetence and to mask corruption by the political elite.
Lake Malawi has more than enough water to supply the entire country many times over. It holds an estimated 8,400 cubic kilometres of freshwater. Malawi’s population is about 20 million people. So even if each person used 100 litres of water per day, that equals 2 billion litres per day, or 0.002 cubic kilometres per day, which is about 0.000024 percent of the lake’s capacity.
At that rate, the lake could theoretically supply the country for thousands of years without depletion, because natural inflows from rivers and rainfall continue to replenish it. So dont misuse God’s name, build infrastructure, the money is there, don’t just steal and abuse it.
Malawi must look at what Ethiopia did. The Ethiopian leadership did not ask Ethiopians to pray for divine intervention. They built a dam called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam to generate electricity to power national development, industry, and water infrastructure across the country.
Malawi already has Lake Malawi, it just needs to build infrastructure to pipe and push the water around the country. Stop the looting, build infrastructure! the country for thousands of years without depletion, because natural inflows from rivers and rainfall continue to replenish it. So dont misuse God’s name, build infrastructure, the money is there, don’t just steal and abuse it.
“Send me to Jail”: Man Refuses to Return 2,5 Million Accidentally Deposited Into His Account
This young man allegedly received 2,5 million into his account by mistake. He then allegedly transferred the money to another account immediately, preventing a reverse transaction from taking place.
The police searched for him while he was in hiding until they eventually arrested him. When ordered to return the funds, he allegedly stood his ground and refused, stating that he would rather be sentenced to prison.
Even when asked to return the remaining balance, he reportedly insisted that he be jailed instead, as he would not be returning the money.
“I TASTED LIFE FROM THE GHETTO AND LIVING THE AMERICAN DREAM AS A SUPERSTAR… BUT AFRICA IS HOME!”
-Superstar Akon shares a deeply personal and motivational narrative urging Africans in the diaspora to return to and invest in the continent.
“I arrived in America at just 7 years old and lived between two worlds—growing up in the projects and later achieving the American Dream as a global superstar. By the grace of Allah, as the Quran reminds us in Surah At-Takwir (81:29), “And you do not will except that Allah wills.”
When I reached the crossroads of choosing the perfect place to retire, I realized Africa is that place.
For any African living in the diaspora, no matter how long you’ve been overseas or how successful you’ve become, there is only one true home: Africa.
That is why Africans abroad must come back home and invest—in our land, our people, and our future”.
MEMORY LANE: Remembering the end of the Angoni-British war of 1898
By Gumbi Kaziguda Jele
ON this day, 128 years ago, Inyandezulu Mphezeni KaZwangendaba, the Ngoni King, officially agreed to meet the British to discuss peace talks during the 1897-1898 Angoni-British War.
The Ngonis led by HRH Prince Nsingo, a son of King Mphezeni and also his Crown Prince, had earlier on revolted, resisting the presence of whites in the Ngoni Kingdom.
That was in December 1897 and by January 1898 the British had managed to bring in reinforcements from neighboring Malawi to fight the Ngoni army.
By end of January 1898, the Angoni army was defeated and the following month, on the fourth of February, the leaders of the Ngoni army including Prince Nsingo were captured and placed in jails.
On the February 5, Prince Nsingo and his Lieutenants were Court Martialled and sentenced to death by a firing squad.
The group was executed by a firing squad in the afternoon of February 5, 1898.
Two wives of Prince Nsingo namely Indlunkulu (Queen) Mkuchwa Mbazima and Indlunkulu Zikhalo Ngulube had long escaped their villages following the capture of their husband.
A column under a British Officer, Lane Poole was used to hunt them down catching up with them along the Vubwi valley. The two were shot dead and buried in a shallow grave just there in the Vubwi valley.
By then King Mphezeni had by then long left his base and thus did not witness the public execution of his son and his peers.
The appearance of the Ngoni leader on the political scene after he had escaped his Chimphinga Royal Palace ultimately ended the war.
Following his appearance at the ruins of Chimphinga Royal Palace, the British command subsequently arrested him and took him to Fort Manning (present day Mchinji district in Malawi).
Later on, when intelligence reports indicated that Ngonis had armed themselves and were preparing to rescue him from captivity, he was again moved to a secret location in Vubwi.
This photo was taken in July 1899 when the Ngoni King was in captivity. He was then released in the same year of 1899 and allowed to continue ruling his people.
The death of Prince Nsingo and other Ngoni military men was a huge blow to King Mphezeni and had a profound impact on him. He never recovered fully and died in September 1900.
He had died around the Mpanga area under Inkosi Saili but the elders took his body to his capital, Lowengeni, where he was buried.
His mother, Indlunkulu Soseya, who was a very old woman in 1900 did not attend his funeral as she was based far away at the eDingeni royal palace. She too died in 1900 but in October.
ECONOMIST CHISANGA RULES OUT SPECULATIVE KWACHA RISE
Economist Kelvin Chisanga has ruled out the notion that the recent appreciation of the Zambian kwacha is driven by short-term speculation.
In a statement, Monday, Chisanga emphasised instead that it reflects improving foreign-exchange market conditions and a convergence of fundamental factors.
He stated that the movement of the currency from around K20.00 to approximately K18.70 per US dollar in early February represents meaningful strengthening, underpinned by real economic flows, balance of payments effects, and moderated speculative activity.
Chisanga remarked that stronger foreign-exchange inflows, particularly from copper export earnings, have been the key driver, with mining companies converting US dollars to meet local operational expenses.
The Economist observed that higher export receipts and improved repatriation of foreign earnings have increased the supply of US dollars in the domestic market, easing liquidity pressures and supporting a more orderly exchange-rate environment.
He explained that immediate demand for foreign currency has moderated, as the dollar has weakened, discouraging market participants from hoarding.
Chisanga said import pressures remain contained due to sufficient local supplies, while improved confidence has reduced precautionary and defensive dollar buying by businesses.
He said the imbalance between a stronger dollar supply and softer demand has mechanically supported the kwacha through trade dynamics.
Chisanga said that from a market perspective, the exchange-rate adjustment has been calm and technically supported, indicating staility rather than volatility.
He said the kwacha’s current performance reflects a convergence of improved FX inflows, trade-related dynamics, and strengthened market confidence.
The Economist emphasised that sustaining this trend will depend on continued export performance, disciplined fiscal management, and consistent macroeconomic policy implementation.
OPINION: A DUAL-PARTY SYSTEM CAN SAVE AFRICAN DEMOCRACIES
By Nokwanda Mamba #SDN, 9 February 2026
The banning of political parties by Burkina Faso dictator Ibrahim Traoré was very wrong because the decision was not informed by the will of the people, but by his hunger for power.
The banning of political parties was the final nail in the coffin for democracy. It put an end to the hope of a return to civilian rule that he promised would be achieved by 2025 after assuming power in 2022. This is how dictators operate: they rise to power making promises that never materialise, only to later destroy democratic institutions and create their own dictatorships.
Traoré banned political parties simply because he believed they were divisive. He forgot that this is the beauty of democracy. We can never be the same; we cannot all place our trust in the same individuals to lead. Democracy is about choice. However, if we are to preserve our democracy as Africans, we need to adopt a dual-party system, just like in the USA, the UK and Ghana. During elections, two major political parties would compete for power alongside independent candidates. People would be at liberty to vote for either political party and also to elect independent candidates.
We already know that Africans often do not follow political ideas but influential individuals. That is why people form multiple breakaway parties that end up dividing nations, as Traoré would say.
In a dual-party system, instead of creating many breakaway parties, aggrieved individuals would be allowed to compete independently and still garner a huge following. Diversity exists even within party ranks, and we cannot run away from that. This is what gives birth to smaller parties. A dual-party system would likely control this by limiting the number of parties that contest for power.
Banning political parties altogether may work in the short term, but it becomes a disaster in the long run. Traoré himself has survived numerous coup attempts, which is a sign that he is not loved by everyone in that country. He is not a supreme leader, but a human being after all.
TEEN REPORTS PARENTS TO POLICE OVER FORCED ABORTION OF SIX-MONTH PREGNANCY
AN 18-YEAR-OLD woman of Namwala District has reported her parents to the police for allegedly administering a concoction that aborted her six-month pregnancy as they arranged her marriage to a man of their choice.
Police have since started investigating the parents over the suspected incident, which happened on January 1 this year.
After the woman’s alleged ‘successful abortion’, her parents invited their preferred man on January 16 so that they could get their daughter into marriage.
However, the daughter turned down the marriage and ran away to go and stay with her aunt within Namwala.
Information about her carrying the boyfriend’s baby was known in August last year, but her parents were not in support of the relationship.
Southern Province police commanding officer Moono Namalongo said in a statement yesterday that his officers are investigating the teenager’s parents for allegedly procuring an abortion.
Mr Namalongo said the suspected traditional medicine was administered on the woman on January 1, but that the matter was only reported to the police on Friday last week.
“On January 16, 2026, the intended suitor was invited to the parents’ home and the woman was handed over as a wife but she resisted,” he said.
“The man allegedly forced her to accompany him to his residence, but she was rescued by members of the public.”
Mr Namalongo added: “She later sought refuge at her aunt’s residence. On February 6, 2026, she reported the matter to the police.” He said no one has been arrested yet.
EFF Slams ActionSA After Fatal Shooting Of Nigerian National During Anti-Drug Operation
A fatal shooting during an anti-drug operation in the Windsor area of Johannesburg over the weekend has ignited a political controversy, with ActionSA’s Ekurhuleni mayoral candidate, Cllr Xolani Khumalo, at the centre of the storm.
ActionSA confirmed on 9 February 2026 that a Nigerian national suspected of drug trafficking was shot during the operation, in which Khumalo participated.
In a press statement, Khumalo said the party supports “every decisive and lawful measure to dismantle this scourge and confront the violent resistance of criminals who have grown comfortable believing they are untouchable.”
He added that ActionSA’s 10-Point Action Plan to Fix Ekurhuleni prioritises law enforcement and safety, including specialised units, crime-mapping technology, and reskilling of Community Policing Forums to combat lawlessness.
However, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) have condemned both the shooting and its political use. EFF spokesperson Sinawo Tambo described the approach as “shallow and irresponsible Trump-style politics” and said, “The attempts to weaponise fear and anxiety through rhetoric is not working, they are now killing suspects as a political campaign, and pointing to South Africans, asking you to cheer.”
Tambo criticised the use of extra-judicial killings as a measure of political commitment, stating, “The measure of a political party’s commitment to fight crime will now be how many dead bodies of criminals your Mayoral Candidate can show the electorate?” He warned that such tactics set a dangerous precedent, suggesting that electoral success is being equated with violent outcomes rather than governance and policy.
The EFF also highlighted how ActionSA previously leveraged the death of DJ Warras in Johannesburg to launch a campaign, asserting that the party is now repeating the pattern in Ekurhuleni. “ActionSA is proposing that for a political party to show its commitment against crime, you must show us how many dead bodies of criminals you can produce,” Tambo said.
Supporters of Khumalo argue that his involvement in anti-drug operations demonst
ABOUT THE CURRENT SITUATION: TRUE ECONOMIC REVIVAL OR A MERE ATTEMPT TO HOODWINK VOTERS?
By Sean Tembo – PeP President
1. In the past 4 and half years, the Zambian people have endured, among other tribulations, persistent loadsheding, regionally biased appointments to public offices and high exchange rates.
2. As opposition leaders, when we raised the above issues and proposed some solutions, the Government in general and President Hakainde Hichilema in particular, dismissed our concerns, and referred to us as noisy and jealous of the current Government.
3. It was a well established fact that loadsheding was caused by Government’s decision to export our electricity to neighbouring countries such as Namibia, but President Hakainde Hichilema personally argued that we needed to export electricity to earn dollars. That was despite the structural harm that loadsheding has caused to our economy since 2021.
4. It was also a well established fact that the reason the Kwacha was losing value against major currencies, is because President Hakainde Hichilema and his Government gave tax holidays to the mines, which reduced the amount of forex that the country earned, while the demand for forex remained the same in terms of having to import fuel and related products. The argument put forward by President Hakainde Hichilema and his Minister of Finance, in 2022 when they introduced the tax holidays, was that it will attract more investment in the mining sector, and that copper production will increase from about 900,000 metric tonnes at the time, to over 3 million metric tonnes in 3 years time. Fast forward 3 years later, copper production for 2025 was around 860,000 metric tonnes. Not only short of the production target that we were promised, as a justification for the tax holidays, but actually a drop from the production levels before the tax holidays were introduced.
5. It was also a well established fact that public offices were dominated, and still are dominated by President Hakainde Hichilema’s kith and kin, not by accident, but because the President did not attach priority in embracing all the ten provinces of Zambia, despite having been overwhelmingly voted into office, by all the ten provinces in 2021. The President’s argument has been that, for as long as his tribes-mates qualify for the public offices, then why shouldn’t they be employed? But what about people from other regions that also qualify?
6. However, now that we are in 2026, and the country is going to elections on 13th August, we have seen some changes. All of a sudden, Government appears to have significantly reduced electricity exports, with the end result that the country is now enjoying a more stable supply. The current situation in fact renders credence to what we have always argued; that when you cut electricity exports, the local generation capacity is more than adequate to meet the demand. Except for times when we have a drought. Therefore, the terrible loadsheding that the country has been subjected to in the past few years, has not been due to circumstances beyond our control, but rather, because of a conscious choice made by President Hakainde Hichilema and his Government to deny the people of Zambia electricity. To export our electricity.
7. Again, now that we are in 2026 and it is an election year, we are witnessing a strange phenomenon whereby some of the President’s tribes-mates that occupied public offices, are being fired, and individuals from other provinces are being appointed to act in these positions. Again, these actions by Government, albeit small and insignificant, render credence to what we have always argued; that public offices should reflect the face of the entire nation, and should not only be a preserve of the President’s tribes-mates. That the phrase “One Zambia One Nation” should be practiced and not just preached.
8. Again, now that we are in 2026, and it’s an election year, we have seen that the Kwacha is appreciating significantly. This is largely due to three factors, the first of which is significant and the other two are minor. The first is that the $3.2 billion tax holidays given to the mines by President Hakainde Hichilema and his Government in October 2022, expired in October 2025. The Government is mute on whether these tax holidays will be renewed or not, especially given the fact that their primary purpose, to increase copper production to 3 million metric tonnes in 3 years, has not been achieved.
9. The other two minor factors that have contributed to the appreciation of the Kwacha is compelling the mines to remit the gross proceeds of their mineral exports back to the country, and curtailing dollarisation of the economy through the central bank enforcing a rule that all local payments must be made in Kwacha. Suffice to mention that these two policy changes are akin to the provisions of Statutory Instrument number 55 of 2012 and 35 of 2013, to which Mr Hakainde Hichilema, then an opposition leader, was vehemently opposed to, and which the then PF Government was forced to withdraw after a strong backlash from Mr Hakainde Hichilema’s accomplices in the mining sector. Again, the President has not told us whether he has had a change of heart in his policy position, or whether these two policies are merely a temporal measure until the August general elections? The above notwithstanding, the current appreciation of the Kwacha renders credence to our pepertual argument that, with proper policing of the mining sector, the value of the Kwacha, and by extension, the stability of our economy, can be sustained. But can President Hakainde Hichilema be trusted with properly policing the mining sector, after the August general elections?
10. The million-dollar question that the Zambian people are now confronted with is whether the positive changes that we are currently witnessing from the UPND Government, in terms of loadsheding, appetite for tribalism and appreciation of the Kwacha, constitute a sustainable turnaround in their approach to the governance of the nation, or they are temporal and merely designed to hoodwink the electorate, ahead of the 13th August general election? Instead of answering this question on behalf of others, I will allow each individual reader to answer it for themselves. But as you answer the above question, I wish to remind you that Zambia is our only home. Therefore, we need to do everything in our power to make it a better place for ourselves and our children. The Future is in our hands. The Future is SET ✌
MUNDUBILE PF FACTION APPOINTS TASILA LUNGU AMID MOURNING, SPARKING MORAL AND POLITICAL DEBATE
By Augustine Chewe
The Brian Mundubile-led faction of the Patriotic Front (PF) has ignited controversy following its decision to appoint Ms. Tasila Lungu as National Youth Chairperson, a move critics describe as politically opportunistic and insensitive, coming a few months after the death of her father, former President Edgar Chagwa Lungu (ECL).
The appointment was made on 7 February 2026 during a meeting convened under the banner of the Tonse Alliance, where the Mundubile faction announced a series of sweeping leadership changes. Ms. Lungu, a former Member of Parliament for Chawama Constituency, was among the most notable appointees.
However, the timing of her appointment has raised serious moral, cultural, and political questions. Ms. Lungu is yet to lay her father to rest and is still within a period traditionally reserved for mourning under Zambian customs. Critics argue that the decision reflects a disregard for both cultural norms and the emotional wellbeing of the former First Family. Sources within the Mundubile faction have further revealed growing unease over the motives behind the move.
According to insiders, Mr. Mundubile is said to be attempting to rehabilitate his political standing after previously falling out of favour with the late President Lungu. During that fallout, Mr. Mundubile was associated with sustained public ridicule and attacks directed at ECL through the Munyaule Facebook page—actions that reportedly strained relations irreparably.
Political observers argue that the sudden elevation of Ms. Lungu appears less about empowering youth leadership and more about leveraging the late President’s legacy for political gain. This perception is reinforced by the fact that Ms. Lungu recently lost her Chawama parliamentary seat after being absent from the National Assembly beyond the constitutionally permitted period.
Customary law and societal norms in Zambia place significant emphasis on respect for the deceased and observance of mourning periods.
Analysts contend that ignoring these traditions for political expediency casts doubt on Mr. Mundubile’s judgment and leadership credentials.
Even efforts to manage the faction’s public image appear strained. Mr. Oscar Chavula, a media personality and proprietor of Hot FM, who is reportedly advising the Mundubile faction on public relations, is said to be facing growing challenges in defending and rationalising the faction’s controversial decisions.
As divisions within the Patriotic Front continue to widen ahead of the 2026 General Election, the appointment of Tasila Lungu under such circumstances risks deepening internal resentment and further eroding public confidence in the faction’s moral compass and leadership direction.
REBUTTAL TO EMMANUEL MWAMBA’S REPORT TO THE AFRICA BAR ASSOCIATION (AfBA)
By Tobbius Chilembo Hamunkoyo -LLB /Political Analyst
Emmanuel Mwamba’s decision to report the Chief Justice of Zambia, Dr. Mumba Malila, to the Africa Bar Association (AfBA) is legally misplaced and constitutionally indefensible, as Zambia is a sovereign state whose justice system is governed strictly by its own Constitution and domestic institutions.
Since independence in 1964, Zambia has consistently resolved political and legal disputes through constitutional democracy, with court decisions, whether favorable or not, accepted as part of the rule of law, without any external body exercising authority over the Judiciary.
Zambia’s constitutional order is unequivocal. Article 1(1) of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 2 of 2016 provides that:
“This Constitution is the supreme law of the Republic of Zambia & any other written Law , customary law & customary practice that is inconsistent with it’s provisions is void to the extent of the inconsistency.”
This supremacy clause confirms that all matters concerning judicial discipline, accountability, and constitutional interpretation must be handled within Zambia’s legal framework. External bodies, including AfBA, have no authority to override or substitute Zambia’s constitutional institutions.
Judicial independence is guaranteed under Article 118 (1), which states that justice shall be administered in a just manner and shall promote accountability of course without interference. However, independence is not absolute immunity. It is a notorious fact that the Constitution deliberately balances independence with accountability through Articles 219 and 236, which establish the Judicial Service Commission and the judicial complaints Commission for investigating alleged misconduct or incapacity of judges.
These provisions represent the only lawful route for challenging the conduct of any judge, including the Chief Justice in Zambia. Bypassing these mechanisms in favor of AfBA is not a constitutional act but a political maneuver which has short legs.
The Africa Bar Association itself is governed by its own Constitution as a professional and advocacy body whose objectives include the promotion of the rule of law, judicial independence, and human rights across Africa. Its role has historically been limited to issuing statements, conducting trial observations, convening conferences, and engaging in professional dialogue in countries such as Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, and Zimbabwe.
AfBA has never exercised disciplinary authority over a national judiciary, nor has it overturned court judgments. Its jurisdiction is moral and professional, not legal or coercive. Therefore, Mr. Mwamba’s appeal to AfBA cannot produce any binding legal outcome under Zambian law.
Emmanuel Mwamba’s claim that unfavorable judicial outcomes amount to executive collusion misunderstands the doctrine of separation of powers. The courts are constitutionally mandated to interpret the law, including politically sensitive provisions such as Article 106(3) on presidential term limits.
The Constitutional Court’s ruling on presidential eligibility was an exercise of judicial interpretation, not executive interference. It must be understood that disagreement with that interpretation does not transform it into evidence of judicial misconduct.
As a former Ambassador, Mr. Mwamba carries a heightened obligation to act with restraint, patriotism, and respect for Zambia’s constitutional order. Diplomacy is built on respect for institutions and lawful processes, not on exporting political disagreements to foreign platforms.
Last week Kondwani Banda was in my inbox and later called alerting me that a violent cadre named Sate Sate had been hired by a known Matero aspiring MP to kill me not sure how and why. He was on speaker and had my support staff listen in on his revelation. He warned me to be very careful and prevent the evil plans.
A day later I got to read that Kondwani had been arrested in Nairobi Kenya and still not sure why.
I have never met the young man in person but since he looks out for me and my well being, this morning I will go to the Kenya embassy in Lusaka to inquire on why he has been arrested and why over 48hrs later, he is still in police custody and not released or given bail.
Incidentally this I would do for any Zambian citizen if arrested in a foreign land. I don’t support breaking of any law in Zambia or any other Country but I stand for equal and fair justice application for all Zambians.
As for the intel threats on my life Kondwani revealed, I will wait for him to be out of police custody for more details before my next action.
Psalms 52 “ The Lord is my Shepherd..” Mathew 26:52 “ He who lives by the sword; dies by the sword “
Junior Bally (Benard Mushingwa) responds to Chella Tukuta
When you live in glass houses, don’t throw stones. Don’t act like you are the number one champion, Chellar Tukuta. UPND and the President gave you a job at State House, and you misbehaved.
They took you to Brazil again, you misbehaved, and you repaid UPND with insults. You called the President names and said he’s a failure. Don’t pretend you’re close to him or a big deal in UPND than anyone else.
I’m grateful for what Boss Jito did for me, and complaining doesn’t mean I’m insulting. I’m just a youth trying to improve myself using a skill, and in that, I can make mistakes.
You should stop posting about me . Don’t forget, I have your videos about the insults you said against the UPND government.
PURE BEMBAS NATIVES COME FROM MWINE LUBEMBA CHITI MMUKULU AS THEIR KING AND A TRADITIONAL CEREMONY AS UKUSEFWA PANG’WENA.
They are called Aba Bemba NKONKO simply pure BEMBAS ftom the Chiefs and villages on their NRC
1-Kasama 2-Chinsali 3-Mporokoso 4-Liwingu
Anyone who’s village is not from these BEMBA native areas is not pure BEMBA
Brian Mundubile comes from Mporokoso,hence he is a pure BEMBA.
Chishimba Kambwili comes from Luwingu also a pure BEMBA
Geoffrey Bwalya Mwamba is from Kasama, a pure BEMBA
Nevers Mumba comes from Chinsali also a pure BEMBA.
Again,those who come from Luapula as in their villages are not pure BEMBAS
Those who come from Copperbelt or Lambaland like LAMBAS are not pure BEMBAS
Also LAMBA-LIMA deep in the Copperbelt rural are not BEMBAS.
ABA TWA along the Kafue or ULUBUFUBU banks rivers are not BEMBAS but LAMBAS.
Those who come from MPIKA are BISAS and not pure BEMBAS
LALAS from SERENJE are not Pure BEMBAS
SWAKAS from Kapiri-Mposhi are not BEMBAS.
The Northern province has also NAMWANGAS from Nakonde are not BEMBAS
Also from Northern province are the MAMBWES from MBALA are not BEMBAS
LUNGUS or abandoned Lungu in MPULUNGU are not BEMBAS.
TABWAS or Aba Tabwa from KAPUTA are not BEMBAS like MUTALE NALUMANGO
Those who vome from Luapula province are either: -USHI from MANSA -NG’UMBO from SAMFYA -LUNDA from MWANSABOMBWE& NCHELENJE
-KABENDE Tribe from KAWAMBWA -UNGA TRIBE from Part of BANGWEULU -BWILE Tribe from CHIENGI like Katele Kalumba -SHILA Tribe or Abashila who live in the banks of Luapula river.
Zimbabwe’s Mugabe latest former African leader to be mentioned in Epstein files
BBC NEWS-Zimbabwe’s ex-President Robert Mugabe may have had financial ties with Jeffrey Epstein, according to the latest batch of files related to the convicted US sex offender.
In an email exchange from 2015 with Japanese entrepreneur Joi Ito, the disgraced financier suggested they approach then-President Mugabe to provide Zimbabwe with a new currency after the local dollar collapsed because of hyperinflation.
FBI documents from 2017 also released had unverified testimony from a “human confidential source”, who claimed Epstein was a wealth manager for Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and provided the same service for Mugabe.
Being named among the Epstein files is not an indication of wrongdoing. The BBC has asked the Mugabe family for a response.
Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s independence leader and long-time president, died in September 2019 aged 95 – two years after being ousted in a coup.
Epstein, a well-connected US financier and convicted sex offender, was found dead in prison by suicide while awaiting trial on sex-trafficking charges in August 2019. He had been convicted in 2008 of soliciting sex from a 14-year-old girl in Florida and completed his sentence in July 2010. The latest tranche of files released by the US Department of Justice (DOJ) show the email correspondence between Joichi “Joi” Ito and Epstein that took place five years later.
In response to the email about providing Zimbabwe with a new currency, with the subject “fertile land for exploration”, Ito, whose email address is redacted, asked if Epstein was friends with Mugabe, to which he replied: “No, but can easily get his attention, zimbabwe would be a great petrie dish, its also supposed to be beautiful.”
Ito resigned in September 2019 as head of MIT’s Media Lab over donations the academic centre had received from Epstein.
The BBC has contacted the FBI for more information about the documents contained in the recent release of Epstein files – as the US financier would have been violating sanctions had he been Mugabe’s wealth manager.
Mugabe was put under US sanctions from 2003 – and US companies and citizens were prohibited from trading or conducting financial transactions with him. Zimbabwe and Mugabe come up in other correspondence in the Epstein files. An email written in April 2012 suggested incorrectly that Mugabe was his death bed in Italy.
The sender’s full name and email are redacted but the message is signed off as “jonathan”. He asks Epstein for possible contacts in the country, adding “they have some great companies if this guy is really done which he is”.
Mugabe was then 88 years old – and appeared fit and well days later on his return from Singapore to lead independence celebrations. One of his old allies, who asked to remain anonymous, told the BBC that such inaccuracies suggested the information on Mugabe was fabricated.
Zimbabwe is still governed by Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party – and struggled with inflation for decades following the abandonment of the Zimbabwean dollar in 2009.
Several attempts to introduce a new currency failed, but a gold-backed currency called the Zig, launched two years ago, has managed to stabilise the economy after a shaky start – though many people still rely on the US dollar.
Aspiring Lusaka Mayor Simon Mulenga Mwila has said the Patriotic Front (PF) risks weakening itself ahead of future elections if internal divisions and jealousy among members are not addressed.
In a statement, Mr. Mwila said the greatest challenge facing the former ruling party was not pressure from rival political parties but resistance emerging from within its own ranks.
He expressed concern that opposition directed at PF lawmaker Brian Mundubile appeared to be coming largely from fellow party members rather than political opponents.
Mr. Mwila argued that political movements should nurture emerging leaders instead of undermining them, adding that what was being seen in the party resembled internal rivalry rather than healthy debate.
He described Mr. Mundubile as a naturally popular figure who connects with ordinary citizens, suggesting that his growing influence may be unsettling some figures within the party.
He further cited recent controversy surrounding the appointment of Tasila Lungu Mwansa, saying misinformation surrounding the matter appeared to originate from platforms aligned with PF members, which he said pointed to deeper internal challenges within the party.
According to Mr. Mwila, internal rivalry had become so entrenched that it was weakening the party’s strongest figures before external political opponents could even mount serious challenges.
He maintained that Mr. Mundubile currently stood out as one of the opposition’s most popular figures and warned that sidelining leaders with public support could undermine the opposition’s competitiveness in the 2026 general elections.
Mr. Mwila cautioned that continued infighting among opposition leaders could result in an easy victory for President Hakainde Hichilema if alternative leadership failed to present a united and credible front.
He further observed that political jealousy often disguises itself in procedure and rhetoric, but noted that voters are capable of seeing through internal conflicts.
He urged PF leadership to confront the issue honestly if the party hoped to remain relevant and rebuild its political strength.
Mr. Mwila said the future of Mr. Mundubile’s political career would ultimately be determined by citizens rather than internal party gatekeepers, adding that history shows genuine political support cannot easily be suppressed.
He urged the party to reflect on whether it wished to foster renewal and growth or risk declining due to internal divisions.
THE BIGGEST THREAT TO PF IS NOT UPND. IT IS JEALOUSY FROM WITHIN.
There are moments in politics when opposition does not come from rivals across the aisle, but from those who are supposed to be comrades. That is why I find it deeply strange, and frankly troubling, that Brian Mundubile appears to be facing the fiercest resistance not from political opponents, but from within his own Patriotic Front circles.
In any serious political movement, rising leaders should be nurtured, not neutralised. They should be challenged constructively, not undermined emotionally. Yet what we are witnessing around Hon. Brian Mundubile feels less like healthy internal debate and more like jealousy disguised as party discipline.
Hon. Brian Mundubile represents something many political spaces struggle to accept: organic popularity. He connects naturally with ordinary people. His confidence unsettles those who are comfortable with stagnation. His ambition exposes the insecurity of those who have mistaken longevity for relevance. Instead of rallying behind a leader who energises the base, some within the party appear determined to frustrate his rise.
This behaviour is not accidental. It is a pattern. We saw the same thing yesterday with the appointment of Tasila Lungu Mwansa. The very first people to peddle lies that she had declined her appointment were not political opponents. They were Patriotic Front aligned and PF run pages. That alone should alarm anyone who still believes the party’s biggest problem is external forces.
Jealousy within PF has become so normalised that it now eats its own strongest figures before opponents even lift a finger.
Frankly speaking, as things stand today, Hon. Brian Mundubile is the people’s favourite opposition figure with the credibility, intellect, and national appeal to mount a serious challenge to President Hakainde Hichilema. Any attempt to downplay this reality or to push weaker alternatives without public backing is nothing more than political self deception.
If the opposition continues to fight its own most viable leaders, then August 2026 will not be competitive. It will be a landslide victory for President Hichilema. Everything else being paraded as opposition leadership will amount to mere jokes, noise without structure, and ambition without substance.
Jealousy in politics is dangerous because it hides behind procedure, slogans, and moral pretence. But the public sees through it. Voters are not blind. They know when a leader is being attacked not because he is wrong, but because he is rising.
If Patriotic Front is serious about renewal, relevance, and survival, it must confront this truth honestly. You do not fight destiny from within. You either align with it or you get left behind by it. Parties collapse not only because of pressure from opponents, but because of envy at home.
Hon. Brian Mundubile’s political journey will ultimately be decided by the people, not by jealous gatekeepers. History teaches us that when destiny is genuine, resistance may delay it, but it never destroys it.
The real question PF must answer is simple. Does it want to inspire growth, or does it prefer comfort in decline.
Simon Mulenga Mwila – Aspiring Mayor of Lusaka. (MBA, LLM, LLB, Legal Practitioner, Commissioner for Oaths, Notary Public)
LUNGU DIED A SAD MAN AFTER BEING DETHRONED AS PF PRESIDENT – ZUMANI
TONSE Alliance faction Secretary General Chris Zumani Zimba says former president Edgar Lungu died a dethroned PF leader, carrying to the grave the consequences of Miles Sampa’s decision to hand the party to the UPND.
He adds that Lungu entrusted Raphel Nakacinda to integrate PF members into the alliance, since Given Lubinda’s attachment to PF risked destabilising Tonse.
Asked to comment on Tonse Alliance being referred to as illegal on KBN TV recently, Zimba said Sampa’s political relevance to PF was now zero and he could not be trusted to lead the very alliance he once undermined.
“I’ve seen Miles Sampa, the man who sold PF from the hands of PF members and ECL, he threw it in the hands of HH and the UPND. Politically, the man betrayed his own PF members and the former president. Today I see the man dancing around as Tonse Alliance. We formed Tonse Alliance for ECL and all of the PF members who were stranded, and all of us, because Miles Sampa and Robert Chabinga had sold PF to UPND. How can a political Judas Iscariot who transacted PF to the UPND now become Tonse? So, his political relevance to PF is zero to me, so such a man cannot be made to be at the helm of Tonse Alliance. I’ll say no, equally that’s double betrayal to ECL even in death because even ECL would not be happy to see that. So, if Miles Sampa has reconciled with us as PF since he reconciled with our father, let Miles Sampa sit on the floor, he can’t become the leader of the party he sold,” Zimba said.
“Do you know that even in Tonse Alliance we are here because of the actions of Miles Sampa? He has been forgiven, ECL forgave him, but ECL died a dethroned king in PF. So, the consequences of Miles Sampa’s actions in October 2023 still went to the grave with ECL. He never died as a happy PF president because PF was not given to him. PF was still in the hands of Robert Chabinga, and it’s still in the hands of Robert Chabinga, so the consequences of that are still with us today. Today PF can’t be on the ballot. We have forgiven our brother, even I don’t have personal issues with him, but we can’t sit on the ballot as PF because of his actions. So, in as much as we have forgiven him and we embrace him, he should not be arrogant to insult us because we forgave him. Later on, to call us who created the Tonse Alliance illegal when we created it because of desperation after PF was sold to the UPND by himself, that is not right morally”.
Zimba added that it was shameful for Jean Kapata to even claim association with the Tonse Alliance, since she was never part of its founding framework.
“The people calling that general congress illegal don’t even know when Tonse was formed, they don’t even have an idea where the name Tonse came from. They were just brought on board by ECL later and Secretary General Raphel Nakacinda, because, by the PF point of view, ECL entrusted Nakacinda. He didn’t trust his vice-president, Honourable Lubinda. He said, Zimba, you should work closely with Nakacinda. Nakacinda is going to help me bring them in Tonse one by one. Those (Given Lubinda) believe in PF party too much. So, if we bring them as a gang, they will destabilise the alliance. So, Nakacinda was the focal person for ECL, whom he trusted to manage the PF one by one because ECL had already told us that we were to use the ECL PF Movement, not the PF party,” he said.
“So, we were very careful in terms of managing them because some of them were submerged in the idea of fighting Robert Chabinga in court [but] ECL had already graduated because he felt betrayed when Miles Sampa grabbed the party from him and threw it into the hands of the UPND and HH. So, even when ECL was going to UKA, he never went with PF, he went as ECL PF Movement with his followers. He was sitting in UKA as Edgar Chagwa Lungu and started poaching his PF loyalists into UKA one by one. He never wanted to deal with PF as a party. Had UKA cooperated with ECL, ECL wanted to migrate his loyalists’ members countrywide from PF into UKA, they would have become UKA members. So, when we were creating Tonse Alliance, that’s the framework he was still using. Not everyone was entrusted. I’ve seen Professor Nkandu Luo now claiming to be Tonse Alliance, she was not on the table. I’ve seen madam Jean Kapata, it’s quite shameful for her to even pronounce the word Tonse”.
Asked whether Kelvin Fube Bwalya (KBF) exited from the alliance, Zimba said he was unsure if KBF was politically lost or still floating in the alliance.
“I don’t know if we politically lost him or he is still floating, it’s up to him. He wanted to discredit what he subscribed to, that is not acceptable. Political honesty must be emphasised; political integrity is important. So, I’ve never commented on the issue of KBF to date. I do respect him, he’s a good man, but I want to say that political integrity, political honesty and political consistency are very important. His conduct, for me, lacked those three important virtues: political consistency, political integrity, political honesty, and above all, political tolerance. It lacked those. This amended constitution, he is one of the primary movers of the constitution to remove the PF party, one of the key persons or advocates who wanted PF party out so that we maintain the ECL PF Movement is president KBF,” said Zimba.
“The virtual council of leaders meeting we had in January, chaired by president Dan Pule, resolved to remove the PF party and retain the ECL PF Movement. President KBF participated actively and was part of the resolutions. When we were having a ceremonial event to sign the amended constitution at FDD offices, he was one of the key political figures who gladly signed it, and I’m made to believe that he is a state lawyer. So, I don’t know if he signed it blindly, I don’t know whether it was negligence, I don’t know whether it was a strategy to manipulate us, so I don’t know why he signed the amended constitution. For him to somersault and turn, I don’t know. I hope and pray he comes back to Tonse Alliance and works with us”.
Meanwhile, responding on his Facebook page, Sampa said PF was doing well in power until “Dr Theories” was allowed to join and brought fake strategies.
“PF was doing well in power until that ka Dr Theories was allowed to join & brought classroom fake strategies which led to PF losing power. He possesses spirits of losing. I thank God he never showed up in Chawama, otherwise we would have lost,” stated Sampa.
Opposition Unity Is Not a Numbers Game: Why Size Alone Cannot Cleanse a Tainted Record
By the Independent Political Correspondent
The article “Challenges of Opposition Unity” By Brian Matambo dated 5th February 2026, in apparent response to the CF President Harry Kalaba’s appearance on Amb. Emmanuel Mwamba’s EMV raises important points about the enduring tension between principle and pragmatism within Zambia’s opposition politics.
It correctly observes that unity efforts have repeatedly faltered, often collapsing under competing expectations of leadership, control, and electoral viability.
However, in attempting to balance the argument, the article risks normalising a dangerous assumption: that electoral transferability and party size are sufficient justification for dominance within opposition alliances regardless of history, conduct, or credibility.
While it may be factually accurate that the Patriotic Front (PF), even when contesting indirectly under the Tonse Alliance, still commands a loyal voter base, this reality cannot be divorced from why PF lost power in the first place. Elections are not merely arithmetic exercises; they are moral verdicts.
Zambians did not vote PF out because it was small or ineffective. They voted PF out because of corruption, treachery, lawlessness, and savage political behaviour that had become systemic and intolerable.
To argue that PF’s continued vote-mobilising capacity automatically entitles it to anchor any opposition alliance is to ignore the deeper lesson of 2021.
That election was not a rejection of PF’s organisational strength; it was a rejection of its values, conduct, and governance culture. Any unity arrangement that treats PF’s past as an inconvenience rather than a disqualifying burden risks reproducing the very conditions that drove citizens to demand change.
The by-election results in Chawama and Kasama, while politically instructive, should also be interpreted with caution.
By-elections are low-turnout contests, often influenced by short-term mobilisation, historical loyalty, and protest voting rather than broad national endorsement. They do not constitute a moral reset, nor do they absolve PF of its record. Electoral relevance does not equal political rehabilitation.
More importantly, the article understates a critical concern raised by Citizens First and other stakeholders: unity that is structured around PF dominance is not unity—it is absorption. When one party insists on providing the presidential candidate, controlling the secretariat, and setting the rules, the alliance ceases to be a partnership. It becomes a vehicle for political resurrection, not national renewal.
The Tonse Alliance itself illustrates this danger. What was once sold as a broad-based coalition of equals increasingly resembles a recycling centre for old habits: internal manipulation, exclusionary decision-making, and the same political treachery that characterised PF’s final years in power. The behaviour that Zambians rejected at the ballot has not been abandoned; it has merely changed packaging.
Harry Kalaba’s position, therefore, should not be dismissed as idealistic or naïve. His insistence on equality, ideological clarity, and mutual respect is not a refusal to confront electoral realities; it is a refusal to mortgage the future for short-term arithmetic. Zambia does not suffer from a shortage of votes it suffers from a shortage of trust. And trust cannot be rebuilt by pretending that numbers alone can wash away a legacy of corruption and abuse.
Yes, PF may be the bigger party by residual support. But size is not virtue. Influence is not innocence. And numbers do not confer moral authority.
PF was voted out because of corruption, treachery, and savage behaviour traits that, alarmingly, continue to surface under the Tonse Alliance.
Any opposition unity that ignores this truth is not offering Zambia an alternative; it is offering a rerun.
If unity is to mean anything, it must be built not just on who can mobilise votes, but on who can command public confidence. Otherwise, citizens will rightly ask: unity for what purpose, and at what cost?
Since November 2025, Brenda Nyirenda MP, Lundazi MP, has refused to hand-over K1million collected in nominations fees from; Joseph William Mudolo, Makebi Zulu, Chanda Katotobwe, Given Lubinda and those vying for Central Committee.
Now George Chisanga, Lukashya MP and former Legal Chairperson of the Party has advised her that she should use the excuse of the court injunction not to hand-over the money they have misappropriated on the break-away Tonse Alliance.
Brenda’s husband, Mukushi South MP, Davies Chisopa is a key figure in the Mundubile’s camp.
Patriotic Front Acting President, Given Lubinda has been requesting for Nyirenda to hand-over the money since November 2025 but to avail but now want to use the money for the General Conference due in the next two weeks.
The Presidential aspirants also want the money so that the conference can take place.
An ultimatum has been given to Nyirenda to surrender the money of face consequences.-PF
TO DEMONSTRATE his affection for African culture and honour its heritage, President Hakainde Hichilema says he will order the Fugu attire from Ghana for himself.
The Fugu in the recent past sparked online banter between Zambian and Ghanaian youths immediately Ghanaian President John Mahama disembarked from the plane at Kenneth Kaunda International Airport on Wednesday to start his state visit to Zambia.
While some, especially the gen-z’s, made jokes about the attire, both Zambians and Ghanaians familiar with the outfit extolled Mr Mahama’s commitment to preserving the rich African heritage through his clothes.
At the Zambia-Ghana Business Forum yesterday, President Hichilema noted the online chat his counterpart’s Fugu attire sparked.
The manifestly happy head of State wished that Mr Mahama continued donning the African attire throughout his three-day stay in Zambia.
He observed that successful countries like Japan, Germany, China, India and others have embraced their culture.
“I have noticed in Zambia and Ghana [laughs], and I am very happy that Foreign Affairs minister [for Ghana], you are dressed like that,” he said.
Mr Hichilema said Africa should be proud of its heritage and build what it wants to do around that.
“It’s not different from raising children in a home, what you do, how you raise your children matters a lot to their future.
“The values they hold, the things they believe are critical, it comes through from a unit called a family,” he said.
Eswatini ‘virgin’ rejects Zambian man’s proposal A PURPORTED virgin from the Kingdom of Eswatini yesterday left a Zambian man soaked in shame after she refused to give him her phone number as Ngonis strutted the streets of Lusaka ‘begging’ for funds for their Ncwala Ceremony.
In readiness for their annual traditional ceremony which falls on every last Saturday of February, the Ngonis abandoned their familiar duties of digging imbeba and instead took the time to ask for funds from the general public and ‘wealthy’ Bembas, all the way from Kabwe Roundabout to East Park Mall. However, instead of concentrating on the walk, some Zambian men were busy feasting their eyes on the fair skinned ladies from Eswatini, thinking of planting foreign seed.
Before the procession from Kabwe Roundabout could even start, one Zambian man could not resist the temptation of seeing fresh looking girls on the market and decided to boost his confidence. Like an ‘overconfident and overhyped’ Manchester United fan after Fernandes made it 2-0 to Tottenham in the 81st minute yesterday, the man thought he had already won the premier league, momentarily forgetting the mighty gunners exist after he was allowed to take a photo with his ‘new’ crush.
Thinking the photo was a green light while realising that virgins exist in Lusaka but are as rare as water in a desert, this man went ahead to ask for the lady’s phone number, stating that she was his type. But she disappointingly refused to give it to him, leaving him deflated the way Zambians disappointed Ghanaians after seeing their Fugu for the first time and calling it a ‘blouse.’
“I’m asking for your number, you look like my type,” said the man. “No, why? We don’t even know each other,” stated the lady and that’s how the road to Valentines for the brother man ended. Yesterday’s walk was officiated by Tourism minister Rodney Sikumba who described the ceremony as Zambia’s premier traditional festival and a vital pillar in the preservation and promotion of the nation’s rich cultural heritage.
He noted that the ceremony remained Zambia’s powerful symbol of identity, history and unity for the Ngoni people and the country at large. He assured the Ngonis of government’s support and urged all Zambians to actively participate in other preparatory activities for the ceremony.
The Ncwala Ceremony is celebrated annually by the Ngoni people as a way of thanksgiving and paying homage to their ancestral spirits and commemorating their victories during their tribal wars at the time of their migration from South Africa.
During this celebration, people from Eswatini Kingdom, especially students based in Lusaka and other countries join in the celebrations. The Kingdom of Eswatini is also widely known for virginity testing and the issuance of certificates closely linked to traditional practices aimed at promoting chastity and preventing HIV, particularly within the context of the annual Reed Dance. By Catherine Pule Kalemba, February 8, 2026
WE ARE TIRED OF LOSING MEN OVER A WAR THAT DON’T SEEM TO BE ENDING SOON!
-South Africa 🇿🇦 is set to withdraw its troops from the United Nations peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo
According to President Cyril:
“We are tired of sending men to go and kpai over issues that don’t appear to be coming to an end! This decision stems from the need to consolidate and realign the resources of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), after 27 years of continuous support to UN peacekeeping efforts in the DRC.
The people of DRC would understand that there comes a time when we have to call a spade a spade!
ALGERIA CUTS THE SKY: AIR ROUTES TO UAE TERMINATED OVER BRICS BETRAYAL ALLEGATIONS
President Abdelmadjid Tebboune just made a historic move that’s sending shockwaves through African and Arab diplomacy.
Algeria has OFFICIALLY CANCELED its Air Services Agreement with the United Arab Emirates—a deal signed back in 2013. No more direct flights. No more open skies between Algiers and Abu Dhabi.
WHY THIS MATTERS:
This isn’t just about airplanes. This is about trust, betrayal, and the high-stakes game of international alliances.
Algeria believes the UAE—under Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan’s leadership—actively BLOCKED their entry into BRICS at the 2023 Johannesburg Summit.
While the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Iran got the green light, Algeria was left in the cold. Not because of economics. Because of politics.
THE FALLOUT:
President Tebboune has made it clear: Algeria’s relations with Gulf states are warm—except ONE.
That “one” is the UAE.
Algerian authorities see this as more than competition—they view it as interference threatening national security and regional stability in the Maghreb.
The UAE? Silent. No comment. No denial.
WHAT’S VERIFIED:
✅ Air agreement CANCELED
✅ Algeria REJECTED from BRICS while UAE was ACCEPTED
✅ President Tebboune’s public criticism of “one Gulf state”
WHAT’S NOT INDEPENDENTLY CONFIRMED :
Direct UAE veto (reported by Algerian media, not verified by independent sources)
THE BIGGER PICTURE:
When African and Arab nations clash over continental alliances, everyone feels it. BRICS was supposed to be about Global South unity. Instead, it’s becoming another battleground for regional rivalries.
Algeria chose dignity over diplomacy. The UAE remains strategically silent.
Two presidents. Two nations. One terminated agreement. And a continent watching closely.
Africa, this is what geopolitical chess looks like when the gloves come off.
CONSTITUTIONAL LAWYER SAYS GOVERNMENT’S DECISION NOT TO HOLD MPIKA COUNCIL CHAIRPERSON BY-ELECTION IS ILLEGAL
Constitutional lawyer Tresford Chali has described government’s decision not to conduct a by-election in Mpika after the death of Town Council Chairperson as illegal and inconsistent with the law, regardless of the time constraints cited.
On Friday, government announced that no by-election would be held following the death of Mpika Town Council Chairperson Morgan Musoma citing the proximity of the general elections, as well as concerns over cost despite constitutional provisions under articles 56, 57 and 158, which require a by-election to be conducted within 90 days of a vacancy.
But Mr. Chali maintains that the law must be followed strictly, noting that the country has not yet entered the 180-day period before the general elections during which by-elections are restricted.
He warns that relying on financial considerations and timelines to depart from statutory requirements outlined in article 57(2) sets a dangerous precedent, arguing that such decisions risk undermining rule-based governance and could lead to constitutional and electoral law violations.
Meanwhile, Zambia Civil Liberties Union-ZCLU Executive Director Isaac Mwanza has defended government’s decision, describing it as sound and praising authorities for being considerate in their decision-making in light of the country’s competing needs.
Why Zambia’s former president remains unburied 8 months after his death
By Sishuwa Sishuwa
Zambia’s only surviving former president Edgar Lungu died in South Africa on 5 June 2025. Eight months later, Lungu remains unburied and in a Johannesburg morgue for reasons that range from the bad blood between him and his successor Hakainde Hichilema to superstition and politics. Below, I provide answers to frequently asked questions that may provide understanding to anyone interested.
What is the latest status of the ongoing litigation in South Africa?
To recap: On 24 June 2025, hours before Lungu was set to be buried in South Africa, Zambia’s Attorney General Mulilo Kabesha successfully applied for an interdict (injunction) in the Pretoria High Court, seeking to stop the burial and to repatriate his remains to Lusaka. Kabesha argued that the court action was motivated by the need to accord Lungu a state funeral with full military honours, a precedent from a previous court ruling in Zambia involving the family of Kenneth Kaunda against the State, and public interest. Following trial that run until August, the High Court ruled in favour of the government – that the former president be repatriated to Zambia for burial. The Court further ordered that Lungu’s body be grabbed from his family and handed over to the Zambian High Commission in Pretoria for storage and onward transition to Lusaka.
The family, citing errors in the High Court’s assessment of the facts, issues, and law, rejected the ruling and, as per procedure, asked for leave to refer the matter to the Supreme Court of Appeal for review. For instance, the family argues that the judgment was defective because the judges relied on an inapplicable case involving former president of Zambia Kenneth Kaunda (more on this later), chose to enforce purported Zambian law without independent witness testimony from a professional expert of the laws of Zambia, and even granted reliefs to the government that were neither sought nor part of the initial agreement between the two parties.
The High Court rejected the application to allow the family permission to appeal against its verdict. This prompted the family to ask the Supreme Court of Appeal to review the lower court’s refusal. In late December 2025, the Supreme Court granted the family leave to appeal against the High Court’s decision, and the family has until 16 February this year to file its arguments after which the Zambian government would have the opportunity to respond. The effect of these ongoing legal processes is that until the appeal matters are conclusively decided by the courts, the body of Lungu remains in South Africa and in the custody of the family.
Once the Supreme Court decides the matter, whoever loses the case has recourse to appeal to the Constitutional Court, South Africa’s apex court, should they be dissatisfied with the ruling. This means the resolution of Lungu’s burial is far from over – unless the Zambian government steps aside to allow the family to do as they please (more on this later).
It is worth noting that in addition to the court’s failure to determine who between the state and the family has the right over the body of a deceased person, the family’s appeal against the High Court’s decision was unsurprising in part because during the trial, a Zambian cabinet minister and a member of parliament who works closely with Hichilema were heard in a leaked audio conversation boasting that the judges hearing the matter had been bribed to rule in favour of the State. Several officials including Hichilema and the head of the country’s intelligence services were implicated in this scheme, one that the government did not dismiss.
It is fair to say that Lungu and Hichilema were not friends. What was the basis for the apparently extreme animosity between them?
The extreme animosity between Lungu and Hichilema can be traced back to Zambia’s 2016 election that was won by then President Lungu. Hichilema argued that the election had been stolen from him and, after his legal challenge was dismissed on a technicality, refused to recognise Lungu’s presidency, believing it was illegitimate. This adversely bruised Lungu’s ego and contributed to the arrest of the then main opposition leader in April 2017 after Hichilema’s convoy failed to give way to the president’s motorcade, which was heading in the same direction.
What a dispassionate observer may have regarded as a possible violation of traffic rules or presidential protocol was soon inflated into a treason charge. Hichilema was violently arrested and was to spend the next four months in detention before his release in August after the case was discontinued following domestic and international pressure. This ill-treatment left a bitter taste in the mouth of Hichilema who, following his election in 2021, engaged in what may be considered acts of retribution. The president and his officials spoke ill of Lungu, who had left active politics following his defeat, at every opportunity, restricted his free movement domestically and when trying to travel abroad for conferences, arrested his family members including the wife and children, grabbed his political party before imposing a pliant leadership on it, and prevented him from leaving the country to seek medical treatment, even when this was one of his legal entitlements as former president.
In response, Lungu made a political comeback in October 2023, but Hichilema, after reconstituting the Constitutional Court, used his supporters and the new judges to get Lungu barred from standing in any future election. As his health deteriorated, Lungu managed to escape to South Africa in January 2025 for medical attention and the government responded by sacking the top airport official who aided his exit. This meant that by the time Lungu died in June 2025, the poor relationship between the two leaders had not been resolved.
What exactly is the matter at stake in this dispute between family and Zambian government?
The sticking point between the two parties is the refusal by President Hichilema to excuse himself from Lungu’s funeral and delegate authority. After Lungu died, the family disclosed that the deceased had told them that in the event of his death, and largely because of how poorly he felt Hichilema’s administration had treated him in life, he did not want his successor anywhere near his body or funeral. Instead of making a public commitment that the president would stay away from any funeral related events out of respect for the grieving family, the government disregarded the family’s wish by drawing up a funeral programme that showed Hichilema as the lead actor at nearly every stage — from receiving the body at the airport to being the first one to view it before any member of the public does so.
It is worth noting that the death of Lungu is primarily a family issue and the family should have been allowed to have a final say on all matters relating to the disposal of his remains. There is no statute in Zambia that allows the state to have the final say on the funeral of any person, including a former president. What the president should have done is to facilitate the wishes of the family to be realised. I do not understand what is preventing Hichilema from publicly committing that he will be nowhere near the body or the funeral of Lungu, as requested by the deceased through his grieving family. It is bizarre and illogical to force oneself onto a funeral programme where the grieving family has explicitly told you that your presence is unwelcome.
When Lungu’s family made it clear that his participation was unwelcome, Hichilema should have delegated the responsibility of officiating at the funeral to another official such as Vice-president Mutale Nalumango. By insisting that the task of presiding over the funeral should only be carried out by him and nobody else, the president demonstrated poor judgement. It was his failure to publicly pledge that he would not attend Lungu’s funeral that forced the family to consider burying him outside Zambia. And when he did not get his way on the matter, the president, acting as if he has undisclosed personal interest in the funeral of his predecessor, instructed the Attorney General to move South African courts to block the burial from taking place without him. As a result of this ongoing court process, the late former president remains in a Johannesburg morgue more than eight months after his demise, prolonging the anguish of his family.
If Lungu had lived, would he have run for president this year?
Lungu would not have run for president this year because Hichilema, fearful of his predecessor’s candidature, had used his supporters to have Lungu disqualified from standing in any future election before he died. To give context: Lungu had initially retired from politics in August 2021, but made a political comeback in October 2023, seeking to capitalise on growing dissatisfaction with his successor. A few days later, a ruling party activist petitioned the Constitutional Court, seeking a declaration that Lungu is not eligible to stand in any future election because of the constitutional two-term limit.
The same court has ruled on three previous occasions, including just before the 2021 election when I sued him, that Lungu is eligible because his first term of office, which lasted for 18 months after he took over following the death of the previous elected president, did not count as a full term. Before the case was heard in 2024, Hichilema appointed four new judges to the court and fired three of those who had previously ruled in Lungu’s favour. With the court reconstituted, Hichilema got his way: the judges he appointed delivered a favourable verdict that excluded Lungu from the 2026 election.
Although he was legally barred from running for presidential office, Lungu, who still commanded significant influence among his supporters, was, before his death, planning to endorse another candidate. This could have affected the outcome of this year’s election.
To what extent is the ongoing row over Lungu’s burial anchored on spiritual warfare or beliefs in the occult?
Given Hichilema’s bizarre refusal to publicly excuse himself from the funeral of his predecessor and delegate authority, it is difficult to completely rule out the role of occult beliefs by either side in this prolonged standoff. In fact, what has happened so far renders credence to the idea that the fight is more about superstition rather than politics. To state this opinion is not to express my belief in the occult or to assert with confidence that Hichilema practices occultism; it is to acknowledge a sticky point that sems to be the heart of the standoff between the family and Hichilema when it comes to the funeral of the late former president.
The family, going by the utterances that were publicly made by the sister to the deceased, seems to firmly believe that there are items from Lungu’s body that may be taken for ritual purposes by Hichilema if the President is anywhere near the corpse or if it is left, even briefly, in the sole custody of the state. There also appears to be a general belief that Lungu may have been eliminated by actors linked to the State, one that is accompanied by another belief: that individuals who may have contributed to his death are set follow him to the grave imminently if they do not see his body unless certain rituals are done to immunise themselves, using his body items, from premature departure from the Earth.
The belief that the president may be involved in the death of his predecessor and, if true, the consequences that may follow him appears to explain two contradictory positions. On the one hand, nearly everything done by the Lungu family so far seems to have been designed to deny Hichilema access to Lungu’s body. On the other, Hichilema’s conduct so far suggests that he will do whatever it takes to secure access to Lungu’s corpse, perhaps because the president sees the issue as a matter of life and death. A review of the evolving developments that have followed Lungu’s demise supports these observations.
After Lungu died, a prominent Zambian journalist, Dingindaba Jonah Buyoya, reported that government agents had unsuccessfully attempted to steal Lungu’s corpse from the South African mortuary where it was kept. In addition to prompting the Lungu family to move the corpse to a more secure place, this action fed public speculation that the agents might have been sent by Hichilema. The government’s failure to distance itself from the reported attempt to capture Lungu’s corpse only fuelled the speculation.
This action also did little to improve the suspicion between the government and the Lungu family, especially in relation to the then discussions on how Lungu’s remains were to be transported to Zambia and the funeral programme. However, following protracted negotiations, the two parties reached a compromise consisting of several commitments, five of which appear to be connected to the stated beliefs.
One was that Lungu’s body would be taken back to Zambia by the family on 18 June 2025 using a private charter made available by well-wishers. This indicates possible fear by the family that a government aircraft could enable Hichilema or his agents to remove certain items from Lungu’s body for occultic goals. The second commitment was that on arrival at the Kenneth Kaunda International Airport in Lusaka, the body was to be received by family members and accorded military honours before being taken to the family’s private residence where it was to lie in state. Hichilema’s presence at the airport was not part of the agreement.
The third was that on 19, 20, and 21 June, the body would be taken to a designated venue, Mulungushi International Conference Centre, in Lusaka, to enable members of the public view the remains of the former president between 9am and 4pm. It was to be returned to Lungu’s residence daily at the conclusion of each session. The fourth was that Hichilema would be allowed to preside over the state funeral involving foreign dignitaries on 22 June, but there was no clear indication on whether the body was to be made available for this event. The willingness to allow Hichilema to preside over the funeral demonstrated a compromise on the part of the Lungu family. It was also agreed that the Catholic Archbishop of Lusaka Diocese, Alick Banda, was to preside over the church service that was to be held at the Lusaka Showgrounds on 23 June, the day of burial. Finally, until the day of burial, the body was to be accompanied at all times by three people when outside Lungu’s residence: the late president’s Aide-De-Camp, his personal physician, and a member of the family.
A day before Lungu’s remains were to leave South Africa, a Zambian government agency announced that the road that partly leads to Lungu’s residence would be closed for road maintenance for a period of one week. This action was generally seen by the Lungu family as an attempt by the authorities to create the pretext needed to keep Lungu’s body in a government-controlled facility where the items for occultic use could be extracted. After protest from the family, the government rescheduled the roadworks to a later date. Next, the government, without consulting the Lungu family, released the funeral programme that contained four elements that drew further protests from the family.
The first element was that Hichilema would be the one to formally receive Lungu’s body at the airport. The second was the insertion of a brief church service at the presidential pavilion within the airport terminal before the body was taken away. This service was to be presided over by an unknown religious leader chosen by the government, but certainly not Archbishop Banda.
The third was the decision by the government to effectively ban members of the public from going to the airport to receive Lungu’s remains by limiting attendance to only those invited by the authorities. On the day when the body was set to arrive in Lusaka, hundreds of police officers were lined up on the airport road to give effect to this ban, a clear departure from precedent.
For instance, when President Levy Mwanawasa died abroad in 2008, thousands of Zambians thronged the airport without any restrictions to receive the corpse. The same was the case after President Michael Sata died in the United Kingdom in 2014. The move by the Hichilema administration to block people from receiving the corpse, alongside militarisation of the airport premises, displeased the family and worsened public suspicion around the arrival of the body. The fourth element was the notice by the government that Hichilema was to be the first person to view the corpse when body viewing opened to members of the public on 19 June.
All these additions were not agreed with the family and generally seen as aimed at enabling Hichilema to access Lungu’s corpse. Taken together, these unilateral decisions or violations of the agreement, alongside Hichilema’s refusal to delegate authority to anyone such as Vice-President Mutale Nalumango or Secretary to Cabinet Patrick Kangwa to preside over the funeral of his predecessor, are what prompted the Lungu family to decide that they would rather bury the former president in South Africa via a private ceremony and only exhume his remains for reburial in Zambia once Hichilema is out of office. The subsequent decision by Hichilema’s administration to block the funeral that was already underway in Johannesburg only served to reinforce public suspicion that what was happening was spiritual warfare.
As a general point, it is worth emphasising that within certain segments of Zambian society, there is a strong belief in occult practices and the notion that power, misfortune, or protection may be manipulated through the remains of the dead. In this context, fears that parts of Lungu’s body could be used for ritualistic purposes if the state gained control over the corpse have featured prominently in both private and public discourse. To restate: this belief is not asserted here as fact, nor is it suggested that President Hichilema subscribes to or practices occultism. In fact, I do not believe in the occult. However, what matters for the purpose of this analysis is that these beliefs appear to be real and consequential to the actors involved, shaping decisions on both sides of the dispute.
For example, the family’s insistence on always guarding the body, chartering a private aircraft for its transportation to Lusaka, and resisting government-led funeral arrangements may be interpreted as precautionary actions rooted in these fears. Even the family’s court-endorsed decision that no one should secure access to Lungu’s body throughout the ongoing court proceedings without their authorisation is rooted in the same fears. Similarly, Hichilema’s apparent determination to secure access to the body, despite the family’s objections, has further fuelled public suspicion, particularly in a society where past political transitions have often been accompanied by accusations of spiritual warfare.
If these beliefs are indeed guiding decisions on both sides, then the government’s court action may be seen not simply as a matter of legal or national protocol, but as an attempt to overcome what it perceives to be irrational resistance based on superstition. Conversely, the family may view the state’s actions as confirmation of their fears. This tension between public authority and private belief creates a volatile mixture of legal, political, and cultural dynamics, without requiring that the analyst, or any rational observer, believe in the supernatural claims themselves.
It is possible that Hichilema is entirely innocent of the allegations that he plans to use Lungu’s body for ritual purposes but his refusal to pledge to stay away from the funeral has only fuelled rumours that his actions may be connected to witchcraft practices. Seen from this perspective, the legal action by the Zambian government in South Africa can be interpreted as an attempt by Hichilema to use not only public resources for private gain but also ‘public interest’ as a cover for securing the repatriation of Lungu’s body to Zambia where the State can bulldoze its way over the family and enable the President or his agents to access it. Hichilema’s repeated attempts to present himself as a devoted Christian who does not believe in witchcraft rings hollow when one considers that his refusal to excuse himself from Lungu’s funeral offends Christian norms and that two men were recently imprisoned after the government complained that the duo was plotting to kill the president using witchcraft.
Are the government’s reasons for insisting on a state funeral – that Lungu merits one as a former president – convincing? Can there be a compelling reason for a protracted but undignified fight over ownership of a dead body when elections are months away?
The government’s reasons for insisting that Lungu merits a state funeral collapse in the face of scrutiny. The first argument is that Lungu should be buried in Zambia because he deserves a state funeral. This reason is not supported by law. In Zambia, a state funeral is not a legal requirement or an entitlement; it is an honour accorded by a sitting president, using his or her discretion, to individuals considered worthy of it. The recipient or their representatives have the freedom to accept or reject such honours.
And if the objective is to accord Lungu a state funeral, the president could have done so without making his presence a precondition for granting that honour to his predecessor. The state is a system, not an individual, and Hichilema, if he has no personal interest in the funeral, could have easily delegated authority to another official who is acceptable to the family to represent him. The family is not opposed to having Lungu accorded a state funeral; they are only opposed to the involvement of Hichilema in any form in the funeral. This is the sticky point.
The second argument is that Lungu should be buried in Zambia because there is a precedent that supports the State’s legal action, namely, the matter involving the family of former president Kenneth Kaunda against the State. This reason is equally defective for three reasons. One is that at the time he died, Kaunda was still enjoying the benefits accorded to former presidents by law, including funeral expenses covered by the state. This was not the case with Lungu, who, by operation of law, had lost his benefits after he returned to active politics in 2023.
Two is that the legal involvement of the state in the funeral of a former president is only limited to covering their funeral expenses. Even this point does not apply to Lungu, who had lost his legal benefits withdrawn at the time of his death. This explains why the family has to date covered all his funeral-related expenses including paying the South African morgue that is keeping his remains, as they did when he was alive in relation to his medical treatment.
More importantly, the Kaunda case never resolved the question of who, between the family of the deceased and the state, holds the ultimate say on the funeral of a late former president. The genesis of the Kaunda case was the decision by the Lungu administration to bury former president Kaunda at a government site in Lusaka against his wishes, left to his family, that he be buried next to his late wife at their family farm when he dies. In response to this decision, the Kaunda family filed an urgent application in the High Court seeking leave to commence judicial review against the State over the specified decision.
The family correctly argued that every decision that the State makes must be governed by law, and that since there is no law that obliges the government to bury the remains of a former president at any designated site, the decision must be declared null and void for want of authority. They also asked the court to order the State to release the remains of Kaunda so that he could be buried in accordance with his wishes. The Kaunda family further requested the court to suspend the government’s decision to bury him until after hearing the arguments from both sides in the main matter. Unfortunately, the High Court judge who was allocated the case sat on the urgent application until after the burial took place on 7 July.
Following the burial, the judge ruled that that he was not persuaded that the family had a good case and thus refused to grant them permission to commence judicial review against the State, who did not even bother to appear before him. Although the judge gave the family leave to appeal against his decision, the family chose not to, as doing so would have been an academic exercise since the action they sought to prevent – the burial of Kaunda in a place that disregarded his wishes – had already taken place.
Since the courts never examined the merits of the decision that the government had taken, this outcome meant that there was no judgment in the Kaunda case that could serve as a precedent. All that the Kaunda family did was simply asking for permission to review the decision of the government so that the issue of who has ultimate responsibility over the body and funeral of a former president could be ventilated upon in court. A judicial review of the government’s decision would have resulted in it either being set aside or upheld. So, there is no case law on the point.
There is also currently no written law that empowers the government to conduct the funeral of a former president. This explains why the Attorney General, even in court, has not cited any statute which gives the government the authority over a former president’s body and funeral. What presently exists in Zambia is customary law, which is recognised by the country’s Constitution. Article 7 of the constitution of Zambia defines the “Laws of Zambia” to include the Constitution itself; laws enacted by Parliament; statutory instruments; Zambian customary law which is consistent with the Constitution; and the laws and statutes which apply or extend to Zambia as prescribed. This means that in the absence of a statute that empowers the state to conduct the funeral of a former president, the death and funeral of a former president is subject to customary law. Under customary law, the body of the deceased belongs to the family, and it is the family that has the ultimate responsibility to decide what to with it including where to bury.
Altogether, this shows that the government has no compelling interest in the protracted but undignified row over Lungu’s burial. Outside spiritual warfare and serving the ego of Hichilema, the only other possible reason behind the government’s interest is to reduce the political costs of burying Lungu in exile. If the former president is interred in South Africa, the issue of Lungu’s burial location is likely to feature prominently in the political campaigns ahead of the election in August. Hichilema’s rivals could promise voters that they would exhume Lungu’s remains and bring them to Zambia for reburial if the person who made it impossible for the former president to be buried at home was voted out.
By initiating the court action, Hichilema is probably hoping that he could undermine the effectiveness of such political messages by claiming that he tried all that he could do to bring Lungu’s remains to Zambia and was only prevented by the South African courts. If the court action succeeds, Hichilema, whose administration violated Lungu’s right to travel abroad for medical treatment and the logical outcome is what has happened (death), can try to cleanse himself by showing care for him in death that he did not show when Lungu was alive. This might explain why Zambia’s Attorney General Mulilo Kabesha recently stated that the government intends to bury Lungu before the election. Kabesha, who had earlier said the government is prepared to bury the former president without the involvement of his family, dd not explain the relationship between the August polls and the burial.
To what extent is the government’s pursuit of Lungu’s family on corruption allegations legally justified, politically motivated, or both?
In my view, the overriding motivation is political in part because many of the cases against Lungu’s family members started after the former president, who had retired from active politics following his 2021 electoral defeat, made a political comeback in October 2023 and effectively announced his plans to challenge Hichilema in the 2026 election. If Lungu’s family has any wealth, that wealth could not have been acquired independent of Lungu when he served as Zambia’s president. It therefore follows that if the pursuit of the family on corruption allegations was motivated by legal considerations only, the first target of prosecution should have been the former president himself whom many Zambians believe ran a corrupt regime. Yet the government refused to investigate Lungu for possible corruption, even after he challenged them as early as December 2021 to arrest him if Hichilema and his friends in government believed or had any evidence that he had stolen anything.
In some of the active cases involving the former First Lady Esther Lungu and the children, the accused have testified that the things for which they have been arrested were given to them by Lungu when he was president. So, if the primary motivation of the Hichilema administration was to recover what may have been stolen from Zambians under his predecessor’s rule, the first order of business should have been to institute investigations against Lungu and pave the way for the lifting of his immunity from prosecution so that he could have stood trial for alleged corruption. Whether the government was going to marshal the required two-thirds majority needed to lift his immunity from prosecution was secondary: what was primarily needed was for the government to do its part first: conduct thorough investigations and, if evidence of his corruption was found, take a motion to parliament and ask MPs to lift his immunity.
In other words, if the government found any evidence that Lungu’s family was wealthier beyond its means, then the family’s wealth should have been used as evidence of the extent of Lungu’s possible corruption, especially since they have confirmed that they got the money from him. Even in the active cases, Lungu, whose conditions of service as president were gazetted by law, should have been asked to testify so that he could explain where and how he got the money he dished out to his family. However, in one case, the State rebuffed moves to summon him so that he could testify in the matter involving an accused family member who had said they received whatever was contested by the government from him. Why did the State object to this move?
The abbreviated context I have provided above suggests that the primary motivation behind some of the corruption cases that the State brought against Lungu’s family members was to lure or force the former president back into retirement from politics by going after his wife and children. Before Lungu died, the highly regarded British periodical Africa Confidential reported that the government had sent different emissaries to Lungu with the same message: ‘we are prepared to drop the corruption charges against your family members if you retire from politics for good’. To state all this is not to assert with certainty that the Lungu family is innocent. It is to demonstrate that the pursuit of Lungu’s family on corruption allegations is partly politically motivated.
There is ample evidence that Hichilema has been using corruption as a political card to deal with his political opponents. This explains why the corruption of current senior government officials has gone unpunished. For reasons that I have previously explained in detail elsewhere, Hichilema’s anti-corruption fight is a sham. If the president was serious, he would have paved the way for Lungu’s investigation and possible arrest for corruption long before the former president died. He did not.
In fact, at the onset of his presidency, Hichilema assured Lungu that he had nothing to worry insofar as prosecution is concerned. This assurance was, from all points of view, most unacceptable. If Lungu had committed any criminal offense, it was not for Hichilema to give him a pass since the offenses were committed against the Zambian people, not Hichilema. In other words, if Lungu stole, he did not steal Hichilema’s money; he stole from Zambians and those are the ones who should have decided his fate through the institutions they have set up to deal with corruption including the courts
IT will be total madness for OCiDA (Our Civic Duty Association), a credible organisation, to wake up one morning and endorse President Hakainde Hichilema’s presidential candidacy, says member Brebner Changala.
In an interview yesterday, Changala said such endorsement would be malicious, unthinkable and betrayal because OCiDA could never support Hichilema and the United Party for National Development (UPND) in its current form when it was exhibiting dictatorial tendencies.
“Those people were fans of OCiDA and its charismatic leader Archbishop Telesphore Mpundu. The desperation of the UPND is so amazing. It came as a shock because the leadership has not changed,” he said.
“For a very long time we have never given any position on any one matter. It must be clear that OCiDA supported the UPND and Mr Hakainde Hichilema in 2021.”
Changala accused the UPND government of abusing people’s rights and freedoms, passing draconian laws in Parliament and arresting people for merely holding divergent views.
He was reacting to a group of what he called “fake old men” who presented themselves as members of OCiDA and endorsed Hichilema and the UPND on Wednesday.
Changala said the nation woke up to a rude shock that elderly citizens who are from one region were used by the desperate UPND leadership to masquerade as official OCiDA leadership.
“But it must be clear that OCiDA supported the UPND and Mr Hakainde Hichilema in 2021. After the elections of 2021 the leadership of Mr Hakainde Hichilema and the UPND became and behaved in a manner that was outside what the membership of OCiDA and trustees supported. And many people who supported the UPND and Mr Hakainde Hichilema who were disappointed have disengaged from UPND and Mr Hakainde Hichilema,” Changala said.
He said OCiDA could not support an administration which had shown the ugly face of tribalism, favouritism and collapse of the Judiciary.
“OCiDA is independent and focused on the restoration of the rule of law and equal application of the law. OCiDA is there to promote equality in all sectors,” Changala said.
“OCiDA is firmly in charge of its mandate supporting a government that stands tall with the governed and the UPND and Mr Hakainde Hichilema are not in that circle.”
The Brian Mundubile-led Tonse Alliance has appointed former Chawama Member of Parliament Tasila Lungu as National Youth Chairperson, placing the late president Edgar Lungu’s daughter at the centre of the opposition’s youth mobilisation ahead of the 2026 general elections.
The appointment was approved during a Council of Leaders meeting held in Lusaka yesterday, as Tonse unveiled a wider reshuffle of its national executive structures.
Tasila Lungu remains in South Africa following the death of her father, former president Edgar Lungu, who died on June 5 last year and is yet to be buried.
Crucially, she has not yet issued a personal public statement confirming acceptance of the role, and the alliance’s announcement has since triggered conflicting claims online, with some PF-linked pages suggesting she may be distancing herself from the appointment. For now, the absence of direct clarification from Tasila herself leaves the matter politically open.
Politically, the move carries weight beyond youth organisation.
It comes at a moment when opposition formations linked to the Lungu legacy are increasingly fragmented, and where competing camps continue to claim proximity to the former president’s final political intentions. Within that landscape, some supporters aligned with lawyer Makebi Zulu, who has been among the most visible voices demanding what he calls a “dignified burial” away from President Hakainde Hichilema’s presence, may view Tasila’s elevation under Mundubile as a recalibration of who now speaks closest to the Lungu family.
For that base, the symbolism is sensitive.
Makebi Zulu’s supporters have often framed him as a frontline defender of Lungu’s dignity in death, while Mundubile has not been publicly defined by the burial dispute in the same way. Tasila’s placement inside Mundubile’s structure may therefore be interpreted by some as Tonse attempting to consolidate the family’s political gravity within its own camp, potentially unsettling rival centres of loyalty.
Beyond Tasila’s appointment, Tonse also approved a series of presidential appointments to its national executive wing.
Professor Danny Pule was named National Chairman, Brenda Nyirenda was appointed Deputy Secretary General for Political Affairs, Gift Kapila as Deputy Secretary General for Administration, and Lawrence Mwelwa as spokesperson.
Other roles were allocated across arts, energy, foreign affairs, security, and community development, reflecting the alliance’s effort to project a broader national governing structure.
Alliance Secretary General Chris Zumani Zimba said the changes were designed to strengthen Tonse’s presence nationwide.
“We have reorganised our leadership to boost the alliance’s presence nationwide, and all appointments have been approved by the national executive committee,” Zimba said.
Tonse Alliance President Brian Mundubile described unity as the alliance’s central objective ahead of 2026, placing young people at the heart of its mobilisation strategy.
“Young people are at the heart of this movement, they are the face of Tonse and will play a leading role in shaping the future of our country,” Mundubile said.
The Council also approved the summary report of the Tonse Alliance General Congress and welcomed new groups into the alliance.
As Tonse continues to formalise its leadership, Tasila Lungu’s appointment signals not only a youth strategy, but a deeper contest over legacy, legitimacy, and who inherits the political capital of Edgar Lungu’s unresolved final chapter.
LUBINDA AND MUKANDILA IGNORES CONTEMPT OF COURT PAPERS
.. the lawyers will handle those matters while the Party continues to work….
The deepening rivalry within the opposition Patriotic Front (PF) over control of the party and the presidential ticket ahead of the August 2026 General Election has taken a decisive legal turn. The Robert Chabinga-led PF faction has formally served the Given Lubinda faction with Contempt of Court documents obtained from the Kabwe High Court.
The documents were served on PF Acting President Given Lubinda and PF Deputy Secretary General Celestin Mukandila, following the recent expulsion of several PF Members of Parliament and ongoing efforts by the Lubinda camp to organise an Extra-Ordinary Convention, alongside other political activities allegedly conducted in the name of the PF.
According to sources close to the developments, the court action is aimed at restraining the Lubinda faction from what the Chabinga camp views as attempts to hijack party structures while a substantive leadership matter remains before the courts.
“The intention is to preserve the status quo and prevent unilateral decisions that could irreversibly alter party structures ahead of the general elections,” a senior PF insider told this publication.
The power struggle is already manifesting at grassroots level. On the Copperbelt, traditionally a Patriotic Front stronghold, some party structures, particularly in Kitwe, are reported to have been wrestled from the control of the Lubinda faction, further exposing the depth of internal divisions.
Meanwhile, a third camp aligned to former PF MP for Mporokoso Brian Mundubile is also accelerating mobilisation efforts. The Mundubile faction is reportedly securing endorsements from party structures in the Copperbelt and Luapula Provinces, with plans to extend outreach to Northern and Muchinga Provinces.
Sources further indicate that former PF Secretary General Davies Mwila is expected to tour the Copperbelt and Luapula in the coming week to consolidate support and influence grassroots structures to endorse Brian Mundubile’s presidential candidature.
As the situation stands, the PF remains sharply fractured, with loyalty among the Chabinga, Lubinda and Mundubile factions increasingly being tested in both the courts and at grassroots level. With the 2026 General Election fast approaching, the party’s internal turmoil shows little sign of easing, raising serious questions about its cohesion and electoral readiness.
MWAMBA REPORTS DR. MUMBA MALILA TO AFRICA BAR ASSOCIATION
Sunday February 8th 2026
Amb. Emmanuel Mwamba has written to the Africa Bar Association (AfBA) to report the Zambia Judiciary that is colluding and cooperating with the Executive which is engaged in the systematic destruction of and underming the Independence of the Judicary.
Amb. Mwamba has singled out the Chief Justice, Dr. Mumba Malila in his capacity as head of the Judiciary. He states that Dr. Malila has failed to safeguard the Separation of Powers where the practice that the executive, legislative, and judicial branches must remain co-equal and independent to prevent arbitrary power and infringement of its independence as guaranteed by the Zambian Constitution.
Amb. Mwamba has stated that Dr. Malila has failed to protect the Judiciary from Decisional Independence, where Judges are free to render decisions based solely on facts and law, without fear of retribution, harassment, or external pressure.
Amb. Mwamba has also cooperated in barring President Hakainde Hichilema’s competition as the case where 3 Constitutional Court Judges were dismissed and a Judgement that barred former President Edgar Lungu from participating in any future elections by overturning the earlier Constitutional Court judgements that allowed him to do so.
The Africa Bar Association serves as the “regional voice” for the legal profession in Africa, focusing on the Rule of Law, judicial independence, and human rights.
WHAT’S GOING ON IN THE UPND GOVT COMMUNICATION ECOSYSTEM?
Jito Kayumba at State House produces videos based on government activities, programs and projects.
The method he employs is television journalism.
Jito is President Hichilema’s special assistant for finance and investment.
Henry Kapata is a Director at the Ministry of Information responsible for information.
Like Jito, he also utilizes television journalism styles to share what government is doing.
Strictly speaking, no matter how much you may love what these two officers do, this is not their job description.
And they shouldn’t be doing this no matter how much they love to do it or how good they may be.
This has created the wrong notion that the officers employed by government to specifically do this communication job are not doing their jobs.
But they are doing their jobs. You may not just agree with how effective they are.
It’s understandable. Opinions differ but they are doing their job. And let me explain how they are doing it.
From Clayson Hamasaka and Whitney Mulobelo at State House down to every public relations officer throughout government, everyone of these are journalists whose combined experience include print, radio and television
They can produce every kind of media product – feature articles, news items for radio and television and documentaries.
Some of them were television presenters and producers.
We are all familiar with their work. But they don’t do this because their current roles call for a different relationship with the media.
They are not journalists and presenters in their current roles.
They are public relations officers. They collect information belonging to their respective organizations, organizes it strategically and deliberately chooses who to share it with, release it through what kind of platforms, when and how.
To be effective in their current roles, they work on creating strategic relationships with the media, most of whom are their former colleagues and workmates.
No matter how tempting it might be to do the stories themselves, they can’t and they must not do other people’s jobs.
The moment you, as a government employee, begin to report the news directly like a reporter, you have fundamentally departed from your job description and you place your colleagues that are being professional in an awkward position.
The public may praise you but they will at the same time begin to wonder why the officers specifically employed to communicate are not communicating.
They think what you are doing is the right way of communicating.
In fact, some of your superiors who may not be professional communicators may begin to think your way is the right way.
That is not fair to those who know the right way.
When in government, you learn the art of using your influence to get the media to tell your story.
In fact, if you know the art of influencing other people, you could actually get your story told by others in a manner that might by far surpass yours.
Here is the undeniable truth: everything you know about this government, it’s the communication officers at State House and public relations officers in government, through the media, that are responsible.
CITIZENS FIRST CF PRESIDENT HARRY KALABA HITS OUT AT MEALIE MEAL PRICE SWINGS
Citizens First (CF) president Harry Kalaba has criticised the government over what he described as erratic and punitive fluctuations in the price of mealie meal.
In a social media post, Mr Kalaba said reducing the price to K250 after it had surged from K120 to as high as K350 was nothing to celebrate, arguing that Zambians remain burdened by high living costs.
He accused the authorities of mismanaging the staple commodity and attempting to seek praise for reversing a crisis of their own making.
Mr Kalaba said the sharp increases had already inflicted financial pain on households before the marginal reduction was announced.
He stressed that leadership should be judged by price stability and affordability, not temporary corrections.
His remarks have sparked mixed reactions online, with supporters applauding his stance while critics dismissed it as political posturing.
“MKAIKA MP DEFECTION TO UPND A BETRAYAL MOVE “- GREYFORD MONDE.
Thursday,05 February,2026.
Patriotic Front National Mobilisation Chairman, Greyford Monde has expressed strong reservations over Mkaika Member of Parliament Peter Phiri ‘s decision to defect to UPND, deeming it a betrayal, particularly as the MP continues to benefit from his PF position.
Mr Monde told Katete FM this morning in an telephone interview that such actions compromise the trust between constituents and their representatives.
He emphasized the importance of maintaining party loyalty for upholding transparency and accountability.
Mr Monde further said While recognizing the individual’s freedom to join any political party by following due process.
He urged PF members in Mkaika and the eastern province at Large to stand united in this difficult time.
He extended goodwill wishes to the Hon.Peter Phiri in his new political pursuit and called upon PF members to remain committed to their development goals and community service, thereby strengthening the party’s foundation and credibility.
Patriotic Front presidential aspirant Makebi Zulu has concluded meetings in Johannesburg, South Africa, and has now returned to Zambia to continue with his campaigns.
During his visit, Mr. Zulu held various engagements such as meeting with potential funders, campaign material suppliers, and later met with Mashele Attorneys, the legal representatives for the former First Family.
The family have until February 16, 2026, to file a notice of appeal for a case set to be heard at the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) in Bloemfontein.
The meetings were also attended by prominent figures, including former Mines Minister Hon. Richard Musukwa, Tonse Alliance faction leader Hon. Brian Mundubile, Zambia Must Prosper (ZMP) Party’s Mr. Kelvin Bwalya Fube (KBF), former Chawama MP Hon. Tasila Lungu Mwansa, former Presidential Private Secretary Mr. Daniel Siwo, and members of the Patriotic Front based in South Africa.
Ms. Tasila Lungu Mwansa and Patriotic Front members escorted Mr. Zulu and some delegation members off from OR Tambo International Airport
Good morning, I now know that Hakainde Hichilema is not a Problem but PF themselves. Yesterday an appointment of Tasila Lungu was announced by the Tonse Alliance President Brian Mundubile and one boy parading as the family’s favourite has gone as far Lying to the Newspapers. Very soon Zambians will know the truth about you boy! You even told pages to post lies insoni ebuntu
President Hakainde Hichilema from today onwards I will never blame you for the confusion in PF. I now see that Patriotic Front Members are filled with jealousy themselves, infact that is why they sold their own party to you.
The level of jealousy towards Brian Mundubile led to the party being sold…Instead of making Progressing steps you are fighting yourselves? Atase imwe amano ububi!
Mr Hakainde Hichilema was not part of any appointments but see the confusion yesterday and today one person will blame HH for the confusion in PF? Bane mulekwata ko order namano.
When Joshua Iginla is telling you that Opposition is not ready and organised this is what he means, atase Amano ububi….Mr Hichilema you will never hear me call you out from today onwards…Bakabokie mwalitumpa sana.
To Hakainde Hichilema naleka from today to blame you over PF confusion but you must concede defeat in the elections.
To President Brian Mundubile keep strong sir, just because you are the people’s favourite one boy parading themselves is going all out. Infact never consider over ambitious people as Running Mate they are dan•gerous… aluta we continue !!! #BM8 #TLM #2026Elections #Ournyuuuuu
