SPEECH BY HONOURABLE GIVEN LUBINDA VICE PRESIDENT, PATRIOTIC FRONT (PF)
Press Briefing | April 2026
I. OPENING REMARKS AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thank you for joining me today.
I took some time to consider my response and to assess the reactions of society. That period also coincided with Holy Week, during which we were all deeply engaged in prayer, reflection, and contemplation — including reflection on the resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ.
During the Holy Week, I sought the guidance of the Holy Spirit. I am now ready — and fully recharged.
Before I proceed, let me first give praise and thanks to Almighty God. God has been faithful to me at all times. I also wish to thank the late President Michael Chilufya Sata for the various leadership positions he bestowed upon me, and President Edgar Chagwa Lungu for the opportunity to serve as his Vice President and eventually as Acting President — and for appointing me to continue his legacy until his passing. I will never forget the honour that President Lungu accorded me.
I would be remiss if I did not recognise the support rendered to me by the structures of the Party and the Central Committee.
II. THE PERIOD OF ADVERSITY: 2021 TO PRESENT
As you are all aware, the period from August 2021 has been extremely trying. Many resigned from the Party. Others simply disappeared into thin air — seeking to distance themselves from the perceived stigma of losing an election in a third-world country.
Members of the press witnessed the ransacking of the Secretariat — windows and doors broken, property destroyed, and numerous Party motor vehicles seized by the State, never to be returned. I personally went to the Secretariat to sweep up broken glass and collect the broken pieces of metal left behind after the ransacking.
Fortunately, the hearts of some of us withstood the pain. We withstood the heat. We had to pick up the broken pieces and move on.
As though that were not enough, the 24th of October 2024 brought further trials. From that date to the present, we have continued to face daunting court battles and verbal attacks, as well as harassment by the police over the question of the Party’s leadership.
It has not been an easy journey — made all the more painful by the tragic and untimely death of President Lungu.
If I were to say that I had a difficult five years, I would be understating it. The crowning blow was the persistent demand, at all costs, for the election of a flag-bearer — regardless of the fact that President Lungu had been returned to his position, and regardless of the need to observe a proper funeral period in his honour.
III. THE ROAD TO CONVENTION: LEGAL OBSTACLES AND DECISIONS
After four months of waiting for the burial of President Lungu — which, regrettably, had not yet taken place — the Party decided to hold an elective convention, initially scheduled for 29 November 2025. Shortly after that announcement, the High Court granted an injunction restraining us from proceeding under the Party’s name.
In my New Year’s address this year, I stated — and I quote:
“We currently have two legal matters that are still standing in our way to the convention. After the matters are attended to on 9th and 12th of January 2026, the Party will have to go to the convention under whatever umbrella it shall choose. Make no mistake: very soon after the 12th of January, members of the movement created by Michael Sata and left to us by Edgar Lungu shall hold the convention to elect its third president and Central Committee.”
True to my word, after the 12th of January — when the judgment was adjourned — the Central Committee met on Saturday, 17 January 2026. In that meeting, a decision was made that the court matters may not be concluded in time to enable us to convene the convention in the name of the Party. It was therefore decided that the Council of Elders be requested to recommend various options available for use as a special purpose vehicle.
The Council of Elders subsequently did so. A team of members of the National Executive Committee was kept constantly informed of developments. Three parties were finally recommended by the Council of Elders, and all systems were put in place for us to proceed to the convention.
As you may recall, there were various postponements — which I personally did not engineer. Many people inside and outside the Party found it easy to point accusing fingers at me, claiming that I was the one delaying the convention.
After the High Court ruled in a case against Miles Sampa, thereby restoring his legitimacy as President, I took advantage of that window. On the 15th of March, I gave an ultimatum to the elections preparation committee to convene the convention within four days — during the period when Sampa had been restricted from exercising authority over the Party. During those four days, the convention should have been held in the name of the Party.
Unfortunately, that was not to be. My ultimatum was defied. By the following Monday, an appeal had been filed, again restraining us from using the Party’s name for the convention.
Meanwhile, there was a push to disregard the Council of Elders’ recommendation of a special purpose vehicle and instead proceed under a “no-name” party. With mounting pressure on me and constant accusations that I was standing in the way of the convention, I finally — being only human — conceded that the convention be held under a no-name arrangement.
IV. THE NATURE OF THE CONVENTION OF 21 MARCH 2026
I wish to state this very categorically: from start to end, the convention of 21 March was not a PF convention. It was a no-name convention.
During the Central Committee preceding the National Council and the subsequent general conference on 21 March, I did not at any time make reference to the Patriotic Front. All those who addressed the Central Committee, the National Council, and the general conference likewise made no reference to the Patriotic Front. The convention, from start to end, was not a PF convention — it was a no-name convention.
This was in keeping with the restraining order granted by the High Court in Lusaka. None of us wished to take the risk of being held in contempt of court. We were therefore very careful not to make reference to the PF name even once. I challenge anyone who believes otherwise to come forward and demonstrate that we convened a PF convention.
For the sake of clarity: even the ballot papers issued at the convention did not carry the name of a political party. There was no PF regalia anywhere at the convention. Those who attended — whether in Lusaka or in the various districts — will confirm that the convention was conducted under no party name.
The understanding was — and I hope it remains so — that the convention was convened to satisfy the demand for a flag-bearer to be elected, and that thereafter a process of transition into either the PF (should it be restored to us) or another special purpose vehicle would be undertaken.
I am deeply troubled to hear some people now saying they have entered, not just the PF, but “the PF Pro Max” — an upgraded version. I hope that kind of language is not a signal of intent to depart from what was agreed. The product of the no-name convention must transition into the PF, should it be restored to us, or into any other special purpose vehicle.
If anyone claims that was a PF convention, they are effectively saying they violated the injunction granted by the High Court of Zambia. I, for one, and on behalf of all those who attended, state clearly: we attended a no-name convention and respected the court order. As for me, I will continue to stay away from using the PF name — including from my famous “Edgalungu” reference — for as long as the court’s restraining order remains in force.
V. THE PETITION AND ITS HANDLING
As the matter was brought into the public domain by the convention’s principal organiser — the no-name convention President — I will speak to it.
I have no intention of disclosing to you details that are already known. However, four of the five unsuccessful presidential candidates — including myself — submitted a petition to the National Chairperson, citing sixteen grounds of dissatisfaction with the manner in which the convention and elections were conducted.
Let it be clear: when we submitted that petition to the National Chairperson, we explicitly indicated that it was to be treated strictly as an in-house matter — not for public dissemination. We committed that we would not discuss the petition with anyone: not with our supporters, and not with the press. I honour that commitment to this day. Not even my closest friends have seen a copy of that petition.
We were assured we would receive feedback within a few days. We were therefore shocked to read on social media that the petition had been summarily dismissed — without us being invited to present our case, without any hearing, and without any feedback. How does one receive a complaint and, sitting alone, declare: “These complaints are frivolous”? Where does that happen?
To make matters worse, the determination and declaration that the elections were free and fair was made by the very same person who was the principal manager of the entire process. A student cannot sit for an exam and also mark their own script. How can they possibly certify that everything was in order?
Following that declaration, ugly statements were made against me and the other unsuccessful candidates. We were called “bad losers.” We were told we were jealous. I have not received a single word of communication from the winners — not from the President-elect, not from Grayford Monde. Yet we are labelled troublemakers and accused of harassment.
Have we become enemies simply for exercising our right to participate in an election and to write a letter expressing dissatisfaction? Does exercising a democratic right make us enemies of the organisation?
And now I am even being accused of plotting — simply because seven people are meeting in my house. If I meet two or three people, am I plotting? Every person I meet with, I am told, is evidence of a conspiracy to take over. Take over what? A no-name party? This is absurd.
VI. MY PERSONAL CONCLUSIONS ON THE CONVENTION
I wish to share three personal conclusions about the convention. These are mine alone and do not necessarily reflect the views of the other petitioners.
First:
The convention was not managed in the manner in which I was assured it would be. For instance, I and the other presidential candidates were told that independent electoral officers would post monitors to all 116 districts, and that candidate agents would also be allowed to deploy their own monitors. I was shocked, on the day of the convention, to learn that the monitors sent around the country had in fact been chosen by the manager of the elections — a party member who was himself the preferred candidate. I will elaborate on this further if challenged.
Second:
The convention did not produce the result I anticipated.
Third:
After reflecting during Holy Week, I must acknowledge — without any doubt — that many of the people in whose loyalty and trust I had invested did not stand by me. Some who dipped their hands in the same bowl as I did betrayed that bond. I find it somewhat irrelevant to examine why they chose that path. But I feel it deeply. I am pressed to acknowledge that this occurred just a few days before I formally declared my position.
VII. MY CURRENT POSITION AND NEXT STEPS
I know this is what all of you have been waiting to hear.
Let me begin by reminding you that as early as 2019, I informed President Lungu that I was not available for re-election. In 2020, I acknowledged that twenty years of parliamentary service had been a great honour and that the time had come for me to venture into other areas of life. And indeed, in 2021, I did not stand as a Member of Parliament. I participated in the 2021 general election campaign as my final act in that capacity.
On the day President Lungu was handing over power, in the presence of several witnesses — including individuals such as Jean Kapata and Chanda Mutale — he turned to me with tears in his eyes and said: “I have lost this election. I am rescinding my earlier acceptance of your resignation. I appoint you as Vice President so that you may act as Party President in my absence.” My immediate reaction was to decline. But those in the room persuaded me to accept. I would not have assumed this burden without that appeal.
To those who may have assumed that this is the last they will see of me in politics: I assure you — that is not the case. The five years have been gruelling. What others refer to as a “baptism of fire” is exactly what I have endured. But if I withstood all the insults, the total disrespect, the finger-pointing in Central Committee meetings, the name-calling — and if, even after I allowed the convention to proceed to elect the flag-bearer, people still pour scorn on me — then I tell you: you are not yet done with me. I am stronger and fresher than ever.
Let me be very clear and unambiguous: I accept the outcome of the convention without any regret whatsoever. Regretting is not my portion. I accept it because, as far as I know, that outcome reflects the will of God. I may not see the good in it now, but I am assured by faith that the good will come around in its time.
To my supporters — wherever you are — take heart. Whatever happened at that convention is for my good. If God had not willed it so, it would have turned out differently. The false accusations, the mockery — none of it will deter me from the assignment with which President Lungu charged me: to enhance Zambia’s democracy through a united opposition.
I am committed to providing political leadership to the Zambian people. I am committed to working for unity among opposition political parties — through strengthening the PF.
VIII. THE TRANSITION AND CALL FOR UNITY
I call upon all members to forge together as we prepare for the transition I have spoken about. That transition must occur. To remain indefinitely under a no-name arrangement is not viable. I call upon all of us to hold together, to forge ahead, and to ensure that a smooth transition takes place. That is what we agreed. We cannot depart from that.
Brothers and sisters, this is not the time for name-calling and witch-hunting. No one will gain anything from counting how many people you claim are meeting in corners, or from accusing others of plotting. That energy should instead be directed at strategising for the transition and at removing the UPND from power.
I can confidently speak for the other unsuccessful presidential candidates — including Grayford Monde — when I say that all we desire is unity of purpose. We are unhappy at being treated as enemies of the organisation for which we have worked so hard.
As for me, I am available for any role that enhances the opportunity to restore glory to this movement.
IX. ON THE QUESTION OF MILES SAMPA AND THE HIGH COURT JUDGMENT
It has always been known that the leadership of our organisation has been in contention since 24 October 2024. The High Court judgment of 27 March must be read carefully. The court did not say the disputed convention was legal. What the court actually said was that the representatives of the Party failed to prove their case. The court acted on evidence. They did not convince the judge that an offence had been committed. In any court proceeding, it is not the accused who must prove their innocence — it is the accuser who must prove their case. The judge, in effect, said: “You have not convinced me that this man committed an offence.”
Rather than making insinuations about Miles Sampa after misinterpreting the judgment, what we should have done is meet with him immediately to pave the way for the anticipated transition. The judgment simply meant: the court has said he did not commit an offence; therefore, he is recognised as President of the PF.
What I personally did was call him and say: “Remember what you did in March 2025. You are bound by your actions from that time. This judgment is not yours alone — it belongs to all of us together.” Instead, I was later told he was being insulted, labelled a thief, labelled a crook.
When you provoke someone, you must also expect a reaction. That is why Christ taught us to do unto others as you would have them do unto you. I was not entirely shocked when Sampa responded the way he did.
It is not in dispute that the Party does not currently have settled legal leadership. That is precisely why we held a no-name convention. The court’s restraining order has not been lifted. Rather than returning to court — a process that has twice failed to serve our cause — we should consider sitting with Sampa and finding a negotiated solution.
There were only three possible outcomes in the court case: the Party is given back to the original holder; it is given to Miles Sampa — who is already a member of our broader team; or the matter is adjourned indefinitely. None of these outcomes should drive us apart.
We are playing with matters of national importance as if they were children fighting over a piece of chocolate. I urge my colleagues: if we have any intention of forming government, the first thing we must do is treat one another with mutual respect. We have already wasted too much time in courts. It is not too late to negotiate.
If Sampa is being lumped with me in these accusations, then take advantage of that and use me as an intermediary. Use me, use others — speak to him, withdraw that appeal, and let us focus on the hearings scheduled for 14 and 15 April so that our presidential candidate can be placed on the PF ballot. That is our desire. But if we continue to drag ourselves through unnecessary court processes, we will not achieve what we are yearning for — and we will have only ourselves to blame.
X. CALL TO LEADERSHIP AND TO THE BROADER OPPOSITION
I call upon those to whom the petition was delivered to sit down with the petitioners and find a win-win solution. We submitted that petition as friends. We wanted it handled internally, as friends. There is no need for this adversarial atmosphere.
I also want to caution: the arrogance of power is dangerous. If you believe that because you hold power, you can do as you wish and discard everyone who comes to you with concerns — know that you are heading for your downfall. Your friends have complained. Listen to them. Do not dismiss them. Do not call them names.
I call upon the leadership to sit with Miles Sampa as quickly as possible to resolve these developing differences before they become entangled beyond repair. I am available for that process.
I call upon all opposition parties to heed the demand of the people for a united approach to the August 2026 elections. Unless we unite, we shall fall together — as fools. We do not have the luxury of time. We do not have the luxury of placing names on the ballot paper merely for the sake of having it filled. The task ahead is formidable. It requires the concerted effort of all of us.
To those who accuse me of selling the PF to the Socialist Party or the FDD — think again, and think carefully. If the FDD, the Socialists, and all others in the opposition do not unite, but instead expend all their energy blaming one another, we will collectively fail to hold this government of tyranny to account.
Every time we see a mother returning from hospital without medicine, we in the opposition today must take responsibility. When we see the cost of living rising beyond what it is now, after August 2026, we the opposition leaders must take responsibility. When we see our children languishing with their degrees, unable to find work, we must take responsibility. We have the opportunity — and the opportunity is now.
XI. CLOSING STATEMENT
Let us leave our personal egos behind. Let us unite with one purpose — from this moment forward.
As for me, I hereby offer myself unreservedly to contribute in any way that I can to ensuring that we achieve the desired goal of providing better government to the people of Zambia.
God bless you all. God bless Zambia.