State House’s Assertion That President Hichilema Has No Intention of Blocking Former President Edgar Lungu from Contesting Elections Is an Insult to Zambians’ Intelligence

By Thandiwe Ketis Ngoma

State House, through Chief Communications Specialist Clayson Hamasaka, issued a statement claiming that President Hakainde Hichilema has no authority to block former President Edgar Lungu from contesting future elections. However, this statement is a blatant attempt to mislead the public and obscure a carefully orchestrated campaign of political interference and institutional manipulation designed to eliminate President Edgar Lungu as a political rival.

The evidence is clear and damning, painting a picture of a government intent on undermining Zambia’s democratic foundations to tighten its grip on power. Zambians are neither uninformed nor blind to these actions. The systematic sidelining of President Edgar Lungu and the calculated destabilization of the Patriotic Front (PF) party reveal a government prioritizing the elimination of the opposition over serving the people.

Destabilizing the PF: A Government-Led Assault on Democracy

The ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) has weaponized every available tool to weaken the PF, Zambia’s primary opposition party. This is not the result of healthy political competition but a state-sponsored campaign to destabilize the PF and undermine it as a credible platform for President Edgar Lungu.

For example, on 24th October 2023, Miles Sampa, with the explicit support of the UPND government, convened an illegitimate PF convention at the Mulungushi International Conference Centre and declared himself party president. The government deployed state security and ensured extensive media coverage to legitimize this illegal gathering. Afterward, changes to the PF office bearers were forced through at the Registrar of Societies, all under the government’s supervision.

When Miles Sampa fell out of favor with the UPND, the government quickly shifted its backing to Chabinga, now positioned as the new government-backed PF president. Chabinga’s press conference, during which he illegally announced the suspension of President Edgar Lungu, Miles Sampa, and other PF members—despite a court injunction—was prominently broadcast by state-controlled media (ZNBC and ZANIS), further exposing the administration’s complicity.

This is not mere chaos; it is a deliberate strategy to cripple the PF and ensure it cannot mount a unified and credible challenge to the UPND in future elections. By systematically dismantling the opposition, the government is not just targeting President Edgar Lungu but robbing Zambians of their democratic right to choose from diverse political options.

Judicial Interference: A Direct Assault on the Rule of Law

The dismissal of three Constitutional Court judges presiding over President Edgar Lungu’s eligibility case is one of the clearest examples of executive overreach. These judges were handling a politically sensitive case with significant implications for President Hichilema, and their abrupt removal raises grave concerns about judicial independence.

Such actions severely erode public trust in Zambia’s legal system and confirm suspicions that the judiciary has been weaponized for political purposes. The timing of these dismissals—just as the court was preparing to deliver a verdict likely affirming President Edgar Lungu’s candidacy—is too convenient to dismiss as coincidence.

Moreover, the reopening of President Edgar Lungu’s eligibility case, despite prior rulings affirming his right to contest elections, highlights the government’s direct influence over judicial processes. This renewed challenge, spearheaded by Michelo Chizombe, a known UPND operative, undermines the authority of the Constitutional Court, Zambia’s highest legal body. By allowing politically motivated individuals to dictate legal proceedings, the government has transformed the judiciary into an instrument of political suppression, stripping it of impartiality and legitimacy.

The Hypocrisy of State House’s Neutrality Claims

State House’s effort to portray President Hichilema as innocent in this saga is an insult to the intelligence of Zambians. The facts speak for themselves: the UPND government is actively destabilizing the PF, manipulating judicial processes, and propping up surrogates like Miles Sampa and Chabinga to weaken President Edgar Lungu’s position.

This is not governance—it is a calculated dismantling of Zambia’s democracy. The ruling party’s actions reflect a deep fear of genuine political competition and an unwillingness to respect democratic norms. Instead of prioritizing the delivery of results for the Zambian people, the UPND is consumed with silencing opposition voices and consolidating power at all costs.

A Demand for Accountability and Justice

Zambians must stand firm and reject these underhanded tactics. A democracy flourishes when transparency, fairness, and respect for the rule of law are upheld—principles that the UPND has trampled underfoot. The choice of leadership must rest with the people, not the ruling elite. Attempts to manipulate the electoral process to exclude President Edgar Lungu are a direct attack on the will of the Zambian people.

A Call to Action: Defending Zambia’s Democracy

The current administration’s desperation to block President Edgar Lungu raises serious questions about its commitment to democratic principles. Is the UPND so insecure in its governance that it cannot face legitimate political competition? Zambians must remain vigilant and refuse to allow the government to destroy the country’s democratic foundations.

The manipulation of institutions, interference in opposition affairs, and the assault on judicial independence must be met with strong public opposition. Zambians must demand that all political players are given a fair chance to compete and that the government upholds its stated commitment to democracy.

Conclusion: Protecting Zambia’s Democratic Integrity

President Hichilema and his administration must immediately cease interference in opposition politics and respect the rule of law. Attempts to block President Edgar Lungu or any other political contender will deepen national divisions and further erode public trust in the government.

Democracy is not the privilege of a ruling elite but a fundamental right belonging to every Zambian citizen. Leadership must be decided by the people, not through manipulation by those in power. Any continued efforts to sideline President Edgar Lungu or other political opponents will only strengthen the resolve of Zambians to defend their democratic rights.

The people of Zambia are watching, and history will harshly judge those who undermine the nation’s democracy. The UPND must abandon its divisive tactics, prioritize tangible results for the people, and allow democracy to thrive. The integrity of Zambia’s democratic system depends on it.

YOU CAN’T COMPARE UPND’S TOILET PROJECT TO PF’S TRASFORMATION PROJECTS, MUNDUBILE TELLS MILUPI.

…Accuses UPND Govt. of corruption and mismanagement

Lusaka – Friday, November 15, 2024 (Smart Eagles)

Mporokoso Member of Parliament Hon Brian Mundubile has challenged Infrastructure and Urban Development Minister Hon Charles Milupi to point at a single infrastructure project that has been implemented under the UPND government in the last three years that they have been in power.

Hon Mundubile says under Hon Milupi’s supervision as minister, only some 1 x 3 classroom blocks in constituencies and a number of toilets that were recently commissioned by the President in Kwacha can be counted.

He says this is at the backdrop of the fact that the national budgets that have been passed by Parliament under the UPND have always been above K170-billion kwacha while during PF the highest was K120-billion.

Reacting to Hon Milupi’s assertions that the Zambians can never vote the Patriotic Front back into office, Hon Mundubile reminded the Infrastructure Minister that during the PF, the infrastructure development implemented under President Edgar Chagwa Lungu remain unprecedented.

The Mporokoso lawmaker has cited the various world class standard airports in Lusaka, Ndola, Livingstone, flyover bridges, numerous health posts and over 2,000 communication towers among some of the notable infrastructure that have remained unmatched in Zambia’s history.

“The comparison between themselves as UPND and us as PF in infrastructure development would be the Lusaka International Airport versus a toilet in Kwacha Constituency which was commissioned under the supervision of Hon Milupi as Minister of Infrastructure and Urban Development,” Hon Mundubile said during the weekly media briefing by PF lawmakers today.

And the Mporokoso lawmaker has accused the UPND government of failing farmers, pointing to a sharp decline in agricultural production from over 3.6 million tons under the PF to 1.5 million tons under the UPND.

He argues that the current government’s handling of input distribution and response to drought has left farmers with fewer resources, making them more likely to vote for the PF in the upcoming elections.

“The excuse of drought is a lame one because if we had a serious government, they could have doubled or quadrupled the distribution of inputs in the northern regions and we would have maintained our production at over 3 million tons,” the lawmaker said.

So if you ask the farmers to choose today between a government that was giving them six bags per person to a government that is giving them fertiliser in medas, common sense will tell you whom they would choose,” he added.

Hon Mundubile recalls that in 2015 under the PF rule, Zambia experienced a drought but the PF was able to listen to experts’ advice to commence a few hours of load shedding in order to conserve the water in the major dams that produce power and the country was able to go through the drought phase with minimal load shedding.

“But for UPND with their excitement to sell everything they find along the way, they have been exporting power without regard for the people despite the advance warnings we and the experts gave them,” he said.

Meanwhile, Hon Mundubile has accused the UPND government of widespread corruption, pointing to the controversial handover of the Mopani Copper Mine and the lack of transparency surrounding state assets, a situation which is undermining public trust.

He has called out the UPND government for its economic mismanagement, highlighting the country’s request for a $1.3 billion IMF loan amid allegations of corruption and misappropriation of state funds worth billions of dollars yet the President and state institutions are not excited about the alleged corruption within the government but that of the former ruling party.

Hon Mundubile has since raised alarm over the UPND’s growing appetite for state assets, accusing key officials like Minister Milupi of engaging in questionable deals that benefit their political allies.
#SmartEagles2024

OPEN LETTER TO FRANK BWALYA

Dear Frank Bwalya,

I write this open letter in response to your recent critique of Thandiwe Kitis Ngoma’s message regarding President Hichilema’s public defense of Chipo Mwanawasa. In defending the President’s actions, you mischaracterize the essence of Ngoma’s concerns, which were not aimed at dismissing his right to protect Ms. Mwanawasa but rather questioning the appropriateness of the method he chose.

Ngoma’s  letter did not oppose the President’s desire to defend a young woman subjected to rumors, but instead highlighted the ethical and practical concerns of publicly involving Ms. Mwanawasa in a deeply personal issue. When the President asked her to stand before an audience to disprove these baseless claims, he inadvertently placed her in the public spotlight, which could have further implications she may not have desired or anticipated. This is not about undermining the President’s integrity it is about underscoring the risk of amplifying a young woman’s unwanted visibility in a sensitive matter.

In your response, you argue that Ngoma, as a woman, should feel compelled to support the President’s actions. However, her position can be seen as rooted in empathy precisely because she values Ms. Mwanawasa’s right to privacy. True empathy may involve respecting an individual’s autonomy and shielding them from becoming part of a political narrative, regardless of the intentions behind it.

The President could have demonstrated his commitment to dispelling harmful rumors without turning Ms. Mwanawasa into a symbol for political defense. A simple statement condemning the rumors would have sufficed, sparing Ms. Mwanawasa further exposure. Ngoma’s critique thus advocates for a more considerate approach that could have preserved Ms. Mwanawasa’s dignity without thrusting her into additional public scrutiny.

Ngoma’s letter highlights a broader principle that leaders should exercise caution when involving private citizens, particularly young and potentially vulnerable individuals, in political situations. Despite the President’s intentions, his actions effectively positioned Ms. Mwanawasa within a public controversy, which could have been avoided. This does not imply an attack on his character but raises legitimate questions about the ethics of using personal defense to address political accusations.

By dismissing this perspective as politically motivated, you sidestep the real issue at hand whether the President’s choice respected Ms. Mwanawasa’s privacy and whether it may unintentionally set a precedent for how private citizens could be drawn into political narratives.

Ngoma’s letter raises a valid concern about the optics and potential impact of the President’s approach. Your accusation of strawman fallacies seems misdirected. Her argument is straightforward the President’s public defense, while well intentioned, could have been handled more privately to shield Ms. Mwanawasa from the unwanted limelight. To interpret this as a political attack misses Ngoma’s point about the responsibility of leaders to manage sensitive issues with prudence.

Moreover, by characterizing Ngoma’s concerns as a mere attack on the President, you overlook the importance of responsible governance when dealing with private individuals. This deflection undermines the seriousness of Ngoma’s ethical stance and reduces it to a political critique rather than the thoughtful call for accountability it truly is.

In any democratic society, citizens have a right indeed, an obligation to voice concerns about the actions of their leaders, especially if they perceive those actions to be potentially harmful or insensitive. Constructive criticism, like Ngoma’s letter, holds leadership accountable, fostering transparency and trust. To dismiss such concerns as politically motivated undermines the foundation of healthy public discourse and threatens to silence necessary dialogue under the guise of partisan loyalty.

As I conclude, it’s vital to recognize that democracy relies on the ability to question leaders’ actions openly and constructively without fear of being labeled as politically biased. Ngoma’s differing perspective is a testament to this principle. Having divergent views does not mean one harbors a political agenda, nor does it imply a desire to diminish the President’s character. Instead, it signals a commitment to accountability a value that strengthens, not weakens, democratic governance.

Respectfully,
Abraham Simpamba

Lusambo appeals against his 4-year jail sentence

Only days after being stripped of his honorable title and convicted, former Lusaka Province Minister Bowman is challenging his conviction, claiming that the Economic and Financial Crimes Court exclusively considered the State’s evidence while disregarding his own.

The Bulldozer wants to challenge his four year conviction before the EFCC(High Court division).

On November 8, Lusambo was sentenced to four years imprisonment with hard labor for corrupt acquisition of public property, three years for possessing a car and four houses in Silverest gardens and fined him K9, 000 in each of the three counts of tax evasion in default nine months simple imprisonment.

However, Lusambo is protesting his innocence saying the Lower Court erred in law and in fact when it convicted him for corrupt acquisition of public property in the absence of evidence that he possessed the property situated in Ndola during his tenure as a Public Officer; and that the said property was consequently sold as a direct violation of his tenure as a public officer.

He says there was evidence that he was not party to the transction relating to the sale of property no.L/39876/M in Ndola and in the absence of any evidence that he benefited from the said transaction by virtue of his public office.

Lusambo said magistrate Hamaundu erred in law and in fact when she convicted him for possessing property suspected to be proceeds of crime, in the absence of evidence connecting the transaction in Kitwe under the said count to the sale of the property owned by his sister in law’s Company.

The Bulldozer stated that the lower court erred in law and in fact when it convicted him for Tax evasion on the basis that he had not complied with the Law of sale to pay property transfer tax in relation to S/D B of S/d No. 2 of Farm No. 288a situate in Lusaka, Lot No. 19884/ M situate in Lusaka and MASAI/LN-1003028 in Masaiti Ndola.

Lusambo said the court disregarded the evidence that himself and the buyers agreed that the property transfer tax would be paid by the purchasers.

“The Court erred in law and in fact when it convicted the appellant for possession of property reasonably suspected to be proceeds of crime in count 7, 8, 9 and 10 in the presence of evidence to the effect of how he obtained the four houses in Silverest gardens,” Lusambo stated.

The Bulldozer said magistrate Hamaundu erred in law and in fact in analysing the evidence in an unbalanced manner, preferring one-sided evidence, overlooking the flaws of one side and not the other, aswel as disregarding his evidence and produced exhibits with regards to ownership of the properties, and convicted him for possessing property suspected to be proceeds of crime.

By Mwaka Ndawa

Kalemba November 15, 2024.

THE MAST COMMENT

‘It’s not regrettable HH got the opportunity to lead’



In his latest write-up, academic Dr Sishuwa Sishuwa raised the question: ‘Who will win Zambia’s 2026 election?’

Without directly answering his question, the historian had a telling conclusion: “Do I regret voting for Hichilema in 2021? No. As I have argued previously, the best thing about electing Hichilema President was that we are no longer distracted by his threat or potential to be better than those who came before him and we can now start looking for suitable, if better, alternatives. If Hichilema did not become President of Zambia, we would have lived with some degree of guilty for not giving him the chance to govern. We could have also succumbed to certain narratives that suggest that some regions of Zambia can provide better leaders than others. To some extent, it is not regrettable that the man got the opportunity to lead. Now we know that in order to develop Zambia does not need a given region or an individual from a particular ethnic group in State House. The country simply needs competent men and women who are patriots, have a feasible plan and are committed to restoring the nation’s dignity, where they come from notwithstanding. In a certain weird and perverted sense, it is good that Zambians gave Hichilema a chance to reveal who he truly is. The Chewa-speaking people of Zambia have a saying that ‘The best way of proving the potency of a man who claims that he is able to achieve an erection is for the woman to undress for him.’ In August 2021, Zambians undressed for Hichilema after a decade-and-half of claiming that he is capable of taking them to greater heights!”

It’s good that Hichilema was given the chance to preside over the affairs of this republic. A rare but privileged opportunity that any person can ever be bestowed. Many and very capable of our people have strived to get there but they have fallen short. But for Hichilema it is no longer a dream. Zambia, her destiny, is in his hands. How he utilises or executes this mandate is solely up to him.

As it were, his ascendency to power will, if not already, expose Hichilema for what he really is. As the adage goes, the higher the monkey climbs the more he shows his tail. Simply put “the further an unsuitable person is promoted, the more obvious his inadequacies become”. We are not writing off Hichilema already nor are we saying he’s unsuitable for the job. We are simply saying after 15 arduous years seeking the top job and pledging to deliver Zambia to the promised land, now that he is at the helm it must show.

And the unfortunate part of public office – the elective one – excuses are not tolerable. You cannot finger-point or blame your predecessors for failing to deliver on your campaign promises. The UPND knew that Zambia was indebted, they knew about the corruption or plunder that took place in successive administrations way before they formed government. Equally, Hichilema knew that he would be judged on what he does in five years. And 2026 is fast approaching. Has he done enough or will he have done sufficiently so to warrant his reelection? Has he demonstrated to be presidential and visionary compared to his predecessors? Has he justified the people’s choice and trust entrusted? Indeed, the 2.8 million who voted for him cannot regret doing so. Theirs was a valid choice. Has Hichilema validated that choice – vote? Is he regretting seeking the presidency? When his presidency is over, will it have blemished – ruined – others’ chances to ascend to that office?

A critical response to Prof Hamalengwa’s article on Zambia’s Constitutional Court and the third-term precedent

By Dr Lawrence Mwelwa

Professor Munyonzwe Hamalengwa’s article, which suggests that Zambia’s Constitutional Court might vacate its third-term precedent regarding former President Edgar Lungu’s eligibility presents itself as a legal exploration of historical precedents and judicial dissent.

However, a deeper examination reveals that the article may be a preemptive maneuvre aimed at vacating prior judicial positions to serve evolving political interests rather than an objective legal analysis. By invoking cases from the US Supreme Court, Hamalengwa frames his argument within the narrative of legal change over time, but this approach appears to mask a potentially partisan agenda, which could jeopardise judicial independence and cast doubt on the integrity of Zambia’s legal system (Hamalengwa, 2023).

Hamalengwa’s article is framed as an academic discussion on precedent, dissent, and the dynamism of judicial rulings. Yet, it is hard to ignore the underlying implication that his argument may be influenced by political rather than purely judicial considerations. The author’s argument that the third-term precedent could and should be overturned appears to coincide with the broader political objective of preventing former President Lungu from running again, a matter deeply embedded in Zambia’s partisan landscape (Ndulo, 2019). By advocating for judicial change that aligns with current political sentiments, the article risks appearing as a rhetorical device aimed at influencing the judiciary in favour of the prevailing political climate, rather than an unbiased legal analysis.

The cases Hamalengwa references, such as Dred Scott v. Sandford and Plessy v. Ferguson, underwent judicial vacatur due to fundamental shifts in societal values and clear judicial missteps that were rectified after intense political and civil struggle (Schwartz, 1996). In contrast, the third-term ruling in Zambia lacks such historical weight or moral urgency. Rather, it reflects a straightforward constitutional question about term limits, a rule designed to maintain democratic accountability (Tshosa, 2001). Hamalengwa’s comparison to US precedents overlooks the vastly different contexts, suggesting a forced equivalence between cases addressing issues of civil rights and one aimed at adjusting term limits. By likening the Zambian court’s ruling on term limits to historically controversial US cases, Hamalengwa arguably overstates his point, as the constitutional implications of allowing a former president to seek re-election do not rise to the same level of urgency or moral controversy (Shivute, 2020).

Another notable issue in Hamalengwa’s argument is his emphasis on changes in the Constitutional Court’s composition as a reason for revisiting precedent. This emphasis seems to align conveniently with current political power dynamics rather than stemming from a purely jurisprudential perspective (Watt, 2012). When Hamalengwa argues that the court’s altered judicial composition could facilitate a change in precedent, he indirectly advocates for judicial manipulation through political appointments—an approach that risks weakening the court’s legitimacy and independence. By emphasising that dissenting opinions now find stronger support due to a more favourable bench, Hamalengwa’s argument suggests that judicial rulings are contingent upon the political preferences of appointees rather than sound legal reasoning.

This focus on judicial composition as a catalyst for change is problematic. Rather than highlighting legal merits or new arguments that have emerged since the precedent was set, the author suggests that Zambia’s judiciary is malleable and susceptible to political intervention. Such reasoning undermines the foundational principle that judicial rulings should be independent of political cycles and appointee changes (Ndulo, 2019). Hamalengwa’s suggestion that dissenting opinions may now gain traction due to a shift in bench composition could erode public trust in the judiciary, presenting a judiciary that may alter rulings based on the political orientations of its justices rather than the merits of cases (Watt, 2012).

While Hamalengwa attempts to frame his position as a scholarly take on the dynamics of judicial precedent, the timing and content of his argument suggest a potential alignment with political motives. His suggestion that the third-term precedent is no longer suitable because of Zambia’s “changed political environment” raises concerns about the role of the judiciary as a politically neutral institution (Shivute, 2020). Courts are intended to operate independently of prevailing political winds, upholding principles that transcend administrations. Hamalengwa’s argument, however, implies that judicial decisions should reflect the contemporary political landscape, a stance that could expose the judiciary to partisan interference and weaken its role as an impartial arbiter.

Moreover, Hamalengwa’s call for the Constitutional Court to accept amicus curiae briefs and dissenting opinions risks transforming Zambia’s judiciary into a reactive body swayed by external political forces. By advocating for a new hearing on the third-term precedent, Hamalengwa inadvertently promotes a form of judicial populism, where the judiciary is expected to align with public opinion or political pressure rather than adjudicate independently based on legal principles (Tshosa, 2001). This perspective invites undue political influence, reducing the judiciary to a tool for validating or countering political moves rather than serving as a steadfast defender of constitutional principles (Ndulo, 2019).

In conclusion, Prof Hamalengwa’s article, while crafted as a scholarly examination of judicial precedent, risks undermining the very judicial stability he claims to support. By focusing on politically convenient factors such as judicial composition, public opinion, and Zambia’s current political landscape, Hamalengwa’s argument appears more aligned with a preemptive political strategy than with a genuine legal inquiry (Shivute, 2020). His stance could encourage political actors to view the judiciary as a pliable entity, responsive to political changes and amenable to reconfiguring decisions based on partisan objectives. Such an approach could ultimately erode the Constitutional Court’s credibility, positioning it as an extension of Zambia’s political apparatus rather than an independent judicial body.

For the integrity of Zambia’s legal system, the judiciary must resist the pull of political influence, preserving its role as an impartial entity grounded in constitutional principles. While controversial decisions may sometimes warrant reconsideration, such moves must arise from compelling legal and social shifts, not political convenience. Hamalengwa’s article serves as a reminder that the judiciary’s role is to safeguard constitutional consistency and uphold the rule of law, irrespective of the prevailing political winds. To vacate the third-term precedent based on political dynamics rather than sound legal reasoning would compromise the very independence and stability that the judiciary must protect.



The author is an academician, politician, musician, and revolutionary writer. Send feedback to:

lmwelwa@gmail.com

PRESS STATEMENT ON RECOVERED ASSETS
Contact : Cheelo Katambo
Deputy Media Director – UPND
Email: info@upnd.co.zm

“WE SHALL NOT ALLOW THIEVES TO WALK AWAY WITH OUR WEALTH”

November 13, 2024

LUSAKA – The historic recovery of over K1.5 billion cash and various assets stolen under the Patriotic Front (PF) regime is a score not just for the United Party for National Development (UPND) government, but for the countless Zambians who were deprived of essential services and opportunities under Edgar Chagwa Lungu’s thieving administration. The reclamation of this wealth signifies the beginning of justice for Zambia’s most vulnerable communities, who were denied their fair share while a corrupt few amassed illicit fortunes at their expense.

For too long, our beloved Zambia has been ravaged by corruption, a cancer that eats away at our resources, our dreams, and our future. And yet, every step forward seems to be met with opposition from those who benefited from this theft, who now have the audacity to call this fight ‘political persecution.’ Let us be clear—this is not persecution. This is justice. This is accountability. This is what every Zambian deserves.

These recoveries have begun a process of restitution, supporting initiatives that uplift those left in poverty and restoring dignity to the Zambian people. This is why every patriotic Zambian should distance themselves from the “alebwelelapo” clan of Edgar Lungu and his team, who seek only to return to power and resume looting the nation’s resources for personal gain. The PF’s track record of greed and exploitation is clear, and they must not be allowed to undermine the strides made under President Hakainde Hichilema’s administration—a government committed to justice, transparency, and empowering the people.

Some are quick to spread propaganda, painting themselves as victims when the law finally comes knocking at their doors. They spew lies, hoping to confuse the public, to draw a smokescreen over their misdeeds.

In line with the UPND’s strong anti-corruption stance, we further call on the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP)  and all law enforcement agencies (LEAs) to intensify efforts in expediting the recovery process. Every stolen asset must be reclaimed and restored to its rightful owner (the Zambian people)as promised by our administration. Only then can Zambia realize the full potential of a corruption-free future, where public resources are used for the benefit of all, and where leaders are held accountable to the citizens.

Over 1.5 billion kwacha—this is not just loose change; this is money that could build schools, hospitals, roads, and lift countless Zambians out of poverty. Should we stand by and watch these thieves walk away with our future?

It is time for Zambians to recognize that accountability is not optional. Wealth and property acquired through legitimate means should not be difficult to explain. Every Zambian should be willing to account for what they own if called upon by authorities.

This is the bare minimum of citizenship in a country that strives for equity and justice. The message must be clear: no more stolen wealth, no more unexplained riches, no more impunity for those who have benefited from the pain and suffering of ordinary Zambians.

The UPND government’s recovery of assets is a commendable achievement, but let us not be fooled into complacency. There is still much more to be done. There are more resources to be reclaimed, more perpetrators to be held accountable, and more battles to be fought. This government must be relentless, unforgiving in its pursuit of justice. The people demand it, and the nation deserves it. The message must be clear: if you looted Zambia’s resources, you will face the full force of the law.

The UPND government is resolute in building a fair and transparent Zambia, free from the shadow of corruption and exploitation. We stand firm in our mission to protect Zambian wealth and ensure that it is used to develop our great nation. Together we can create the Zambia we want.

(C) UPND MEDIA TEAM

Here are lecturers’ handwritten grievances so that President HH pays off UNZA’s K1.1 billion employees’ debt



By Austin Mbozi



I hereby submit to President Hakainde Hichilema (HH), through education minister Douglas Syakalima, University of Zambia (UNZA) lecturers’ grievances in their own handwritings. 

Lecturers listed, in questionnaires which I survey-administered, their priority needs and past frustrations; suggested ways of pressuring authorities. I will submit more lately, adding to this 50-lecturer batch. President HH may directly phone any lecturer for clarifications. Lecturers’ names, phone numbers, schools and departments are included. But for research-ethical considerations, the President, minister or media should not publicise any lecturer’s names, unless the lecturer allows. 

UNZA is embarrassing. A professor escorts to toilet a visiting Western professor saying; ‘here is tissue if you are going for ‘‘serious toilet’’. Our toilets do not have. Since our toilet door does not lock, stretch your left hand to hold it while you are ‘‘seated’’ so that you push it back in case somebody wants to come in. Since the toilet does not flash, leave it dirty, then tell the waiting lecturer not to go in. Then get water from this drum using this small pail and pour into your toilet repeatedly until all your ‘‘faecibus exturbandis’’ is flashed.  

President HH should inspect Biomedical Sciences department lecturers’ offices, Ridgeway Campus, School of Health Sciences. Three PhD holder lecturers share an unventilated police-cell-like demarcation of the dining hall; hearing kitchen smells/ bar noises while working. That ‘kanyumba’ (unkempt small house) opposite National Archives hosts lecturers’ offices for the Department of Pharmacy!

Main UNZA’s Biology labs get spoiled by leaking rains. Students do fewer labs due to overcrowding in ill-equipped labs at Veterinary Medicine, Agriculture Sciences, Mines and Engineering.  Education/ Humanities students disrupt on-going lectures, swarming into theatres to avoid learning while standing.

On retiring/contract completion, the lecturer must wait ten years to be paid pension/gratuity while NAPSA refuses to pay her own salary-deducted savings because UNZA did not remit. And she did not invest for retirement because PSMF (Public Service Micro-Finance) refused to give her loans saying, ‘we don’t trust UNZA’s remitting record’.   

President HH understands the ‘snake around the neck’ when your earning finishes on debt-servicing. He says President Emmanuel Macron of France asked; ‘President HH, what are your three priority areas needing French help?’ President HH answered; ‘number one, debt restructuring. Number two, debt restructuring and number three, debt restructuring’.

Well, Mr President, we are saying the same. Our number 1 is UNZA debt clearance at a goal before 2026. Number 2, UNZA debt clearance at a goal before 2026. And number 3, UNZA debt clearance at a goal before 2026. UNZA management wastes some K96 million annually on ‘debt serving’; – salaries to retired workers/lecturers whom, according to service conditions, UNZA must maintain on salary until it pays their gratuities/pensions.

Fellow Zambians, let us stop this wastage of our taxes. Government grants UNZA some K19.4 million monthly. But UNZA pays K8 million of it on ‘debt serving.’ Then where does UNZA get its K60 million per month for workers’ salaries? Well, it saves K11.4 million from the grant. Then it adds K300 million annual student fees and K60 million annual earnings from lecturers’ consultancies/‘tuntemba’ businesses. Government needs clearing this K1.1 billion employees’ debt so that UNZA saves K96 million annually to improve lecturers’ work-related conditions, including financing research/publications. 

My struggle approach is: (i) collecting problem write-ups from lectures, (ii) sending them to the President and (iii) discussing them on newspapers and phone-in TV/radio programmes. Why? Because all approaches have failed during MMD /PF governments. And my party UPND is approaching ‘half-time’ into the ‘game’ (ruling) but we are still ‘trailing’ with regards to UNZA lecturer issues.

Lecturer strike? Fine. But first, labour commissioners fear legalising strikes against their bosses. Second, some lecturers still work when the strikes’ grievances do not personally affect them. Third, UNZA students may riot, opposing strikes since they love President HH who reinstated their ‘BC ‘meal allowances. Fourth, the general public thinks lecturers’ strikes are greedy driven. Fifth, government accuses UNZARALU leaders of exaggerations to win UNZARALU votes. Sixth, if I continue article-writing alone, overzealous UPND cadres will abuse state machinery to arrest me.  ‘Boma ni Boma ‘‘bakaamba’’.

When I wrote against police’s killing of student Vespers Shimuzhila, PF thief-thugs led by Stanford Kayume protest/demanded on ZNBC for my dismissal/arrest. So, UNZA Registrar Rodgers Phiri, School of Humanities, Dean Felix Masiye and Philosophy Department’s head John Mweshi obeyed/tried. When this failed, they involved UNZA’s chief security officer Bwalya Kelabaila, DRA Mulenga Mubanga and UNZA-attached police officer Stephen Mumba to lie me into prison; that I tried to illegally eat the fruit eaten by Eve and Adam. I was acquitted. I wrote articles: ‘Mr. President, pay Faith Musonda’s K65 million to UNZA staff (The Mast, 12 Nov. 2021), ‘Mr. President, pay UNZA debt using Milingo’s $24m as you did with Faith Musonda’s K65 m (The Mast, 22 Apr. 2024 and 29 Apr.) and ‘Minister Musokotwane, how shall I as a UNZA unionist explain K36 million partly unused CDF but no gratuity?’ (The Mast, 7 Oct. 2024). But the UNZA debt remains. Sixth, UNZARALU aspirants have run out of ideas; some trying to feed more from UNZARALU by contesting higher positions after failing in lower ones. When I challenge their record, their supporters insult me as ‘bullshit’/‘mother fucker’; or lie that just because I am a UPND supporter, I won’t fight for UNZA. Yet they let me write-defend UNZA alone while they hide their political friends so that they can lie to both UPND and the opposition that ‘I am with you’.  But I stand my ground, because UNZA students and South Africa’s COSATU are getting good deals from governments which they support.  

Yes, UPND is behind on lecturers’ problems. But unlike state-funds-broke PF, UPND has built up the funds capable of clearing UNZA debts.



The author will resume Part 2 on BRICS next Monday. Phone: 0978-741920. Email: austin.mbozi2017@gmail.com

GOV’T INVESTED IN DIGITAL TRANSFORMATION AGENDA – DR HABEENZU

The government aims to build a digital economy that enhances growth while safeguarding citizens’ interests

Ministry of Technology and Science, Permanent Secretary Dr Brilliant Habeenzu has highlighted Zambia’s dedication to fostering technological advancement while ensuring regulatory frameworks are in place to protect consumers and promote trust across sectors.

He outlined the country’s strategic approach to balancing regulatory frameworks with technological innovation at a ministerial panel session held yesterday in Cape Town, South Africa.

In his address, Dr. Habeenzu shared that Government’s current focus aligns with the nation’s Eighth National Development Plan, which emphasises the transformation of key economic sectors, namely agriculture, mining, manufacturing, and tourism.

He said these sectors have been identified as central to Zambia’s economic transformation and job creation agenda, with emerging technologies like artificial intelligence being seen as pivotal in maximizing productivity within these industries.

“In Zambia, our goal is to optimize output across these sectors by integrating emerging technologies, especially in areas like water and infrastructure, to support a robust digital ecosystem,” Dr. Habeenzu explained.

He added that a critical component of this strategy involves bolstering the nation’s ICT infrastructure, particularly in underserved rural areas.

This effort, funded in part by Zambia’s Universal Access Service Fund, includes the installation of telecommunications towers nationwide to enhance connectivity and bridge the digital divide.

In line with promoting digital accessibility, Dr. Habeenzu noted that the government has prioritised the implementation of the ICT Policy, Digital Transformation Strategy and revising the Cyber Security and CyberCrimes Act to build trust and confidence in the digital economy.

He said that with the Data Protection Act already in place, ongoing regulatory adjustments are addressing any remaining gaps to secure data integrity.

This comprehensive framework, he said, is essential to fostering trust among both industry players and consumers, thereby supporting sustainable digital progress.

The government is also deeply invested in developing digital skills among its populace.

Recognizing that digital literacy is fundamental to long-term success, the Ministry of Technology has revamped educational curricula to incorporate digital skills at all levels.

Dr Habeenzu disclosed that through programmes supported by the Universal Access Service Fund, the government has distributed computers to schools, including those in remote areas, to ensure students acquire vital digital skills from an early age.

Addressing the role of public-private partnerships, Dr. Habeenzu highlighted Zambia’s Public-Private Dialogue Forum (PPDF), a platform for government and industry leaders to collaboratively review and refine policies affecting private sector engagement in the digital space.

“Our intent is to foster a thriving digital economy by ensuring the private sector has a voice in regulatory matters,” he said.

Furthermore, the Government is supporting innovation through existing funds like the Science, Technology, and Innovation Youth Fund, managed by the National Science and Technology Council as well as the Technology Business Development Fund, under the National Technology Business Centre, to nurture startups and innovations from conception through to commercialization. These efforts will be augmented by the development of the first ever Start Up Bill which has reached an advanced stage.

Dr Habeenzu said the government’s efforts to bolster its digital ecosystem are evident in the issuance of licenses to enhance connectivity, including spectrum allocations that support 4G and 5G technology.

He pointed out that to enhance countrrywide connectivity, the Government has attracted international players like Starlink and Baobab Communications have also entered the market, helping to expand internet access and fibre connectivity nationwide.

Currently, Zambia is working to finalise its connection to regional neighbours like Burundi through Lake Tanganyika using the undersea cable network is awaiting implementation.

Acknowledging the impact of environmental challenges, Dr. Habeenzu spoke about the adverse effects of recent droughts on power generation, which in turn strained telecommunications services.

He, however, praised the private sector for its proactive response, as local mobile network operators and business leaders rallied to address the infrastructure gaps, investing additional resources to mitigate power shortages.

Dr. Habeenzu’s added that by fostering innovation hubs beyond the capital city of Lusaka and collaborating closely with private and international stakeholders, government aims to build a digital economy that enhances the nation’s growth while safeguarding the interests of its citizens.

“We are confident that by working together with industry stakeholders, we can build a digital Zambia that is secure, inclusive, and prosperous,” said Dr. Habeenzu emphasises the government’s commitment to a balanced approach in its digital strategy.

Dr Habeenzu is currently in Cape Town, South Africa, with Eng. Collins Mbulo the Acting ZICTA DG, attending the “Africa Tech Festival.”

RTSA SUSPENDS OPERATING LICENSE FOR JULDAN MOTORS WITH IMMEDIATE EFFECT

…..warns that failure to comply with this directive will result in legal action

The Road Transport and Safety Agency (RTSA) has suspended the operating license for Juldan Motors with immediate effect.

The Agency says this is as a result of the operator’s failure to implement effective self-regulation as required by the Fleet Safety Management Programme.

RTSA Chief Executive Officer Eng Amon Mweemba has told journalists in Lusaka that this decision has been made in accordance with Section 110B of the Road Traffic (Amendment) Act No. 8 of 2022, which mandates the suspension of a licence if the holder fails to comply with its terms and conditions.

Eng Mwemba said Juldan Motorways, therefore is hereby instructed to cease all operations under the revoked licence with immediate effect for a period of 3 months.

He warned that failure to comply with this directive will result in legal action.

The RTSA CEO further said in light of the foregoing, the Agency has also invited the operator to their offices for guidance on adopting and implementing a comprehensive fleet safety management system.

“The following are the Key findings from our investigation…..Fatal Road Traffic Crash on 15th October 2024: Preliminary investigations suggest that the road traffic crash involving the Juldan Bus might have been prevented with appropriate care and oversight. The GPS unit on the motor vehicle had been inactive since 27th September 2024. Despite this, the bus continued to operate, and the GPS remained off until the road traffic crash occurred at approximately 04:30 hours on 15th October 2024,” he said.

“Records from Shimabala Toll Station show that the bus returned from Johannesburg on 14th October 2024, passing through the toll station at 16:29 hours. However, the same driver embarked on another trip to Johannesburg on 15th October 2024, passing through the same toll station at 04:06 hours. This violates Statutory Instrument No. 51 of 2021, which restricts PSV movements between 22:00 hours and 04:00 hours.”

He narrated that the Pre-Trip Inspection Checklist reflects significant lapses in the company’s Fleet Safety Management Programme, as it was signed off to indicate that the bus departed Lusaka at 04:00 hours with an active GPS unit when, in reality, it started approximately at 03:30 hours and the GPS was non-functional.

“Additionally, the driver had only arrived home on the evening of October 14 and departed in the early hours of October 15, leaving him with insufficient rest and substantially increasing fatigue-related risks. Ideally, the driver should have been given a full day off following such a long journey for adequate physical and mental recovery,” he added.

“Furthermore, it also came to our attention that, at the time of inspection, other buses under the company, were operated with non-functional GPS units, which is in direct contravention of Statutory Instrument No. 78 of 2016.These findings present grim evidence of weak operational controls within the company system that compromise the safety of both passengers and other road users.”

Eng Mweemba further indicated that the Agency also took into consideration the serious Injury Road Traffic Crash on 19th July 2024, involving another Public Service Vehicle (PSV) with registration number ALF6761 belonging to Juldan Motors, along the Great North Road, about 40 kilometres east of Kapiri Mposhi District.

“Preliminary investigations revealed that the road traffic crash occurred due to improper overtaking by the Juldan bus driver, leading to a head-on collision with an oncoming light truck. One passenger in the bus sustained minor injuries, while the driver of the Mitsubishi Canter and his two passengers sustained serious injuries, and significant damages occurred to both vehicles,” he concluded.

“Notably, GPS data from the Juldan Bus consistently showed that the Juldan bus driver drove at speeds between 114 km/h and 115 km/h, exceeding the permissible maximum speed limit of 100 km/h. This highlights the operator’s failure to implement effective self-regulation as required by the Fleet Safety Management Programme.”

SE

IMF Downgrades HH’s UPND Government’s 2024 GDP Growth Projection to Economic Junk Status of 1.2% from 6.3% in 2021– Kasonde Mwenda C, EFF President

Lusaka, Zambia – November 13, 2024

The latest release from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Press Release No. 24/413 dated November 11, 2024, reveals a stark and troubling reality: Zambia’s 2024 GDP growth projection has plummeted to an alarming 1.2%, down from the 6.3% growth we had in 2021 under the previous administration. This is one of the worst economic outlooks we’ve seen, second only to the post-COVID period. The IMF’s assessment reflects a nation on the brink, driven into economic disarray by President Hakainde Hichilema’s UPND government.

The IMF has clearly pronounced a deteriorated outlook for 2024, citing that real GDP growth is expected to be a mere 1.2%, down from a June projection of 2.3%. This sharp downgrade is attributed to severe disruptions in electricity supply and contractions in key sectors: agriculture, which has plummeted by 20.6% year-over-year, and electricity production, down by 9.6%. Non-mining, non-agriculture activities have also slowed significantly. This economic free-fall is marked by a troubling inflation rate of 15.7% as of October 2024, fueled by rising food prices and the continued depreciation of the kwacha. The inflation rate is now far from the target band of 6-8%, and Zambians are struggling to make ends meet.

As the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), we are compelled to urge the UPND government and President Hakainde Hichilema to face reality: Zambia’s economy is teetering on the edge of collapse, and this IMF downgrade is a resounding red flag. Such a severe downgrade will have far-reaching implications, eroding investor confidence in Zambia, driving widespread hunger, and deepening the grip of poverty on our citizens.

This crisis did not emerge overnight. It is the direct result of the UPND and President Hichilema’s failure to lead with vision. Their policies have prioritized Western interests at the expense of the Zambian people. They have burdened Zambians with excessive taxation, deprived them of electricity to serve external political allies, and mismanaged our valuable resources to the detriment of the country’s welfare.

Instead of strengthening our economy, the UPND government has weakened it through concessions that grant tax holidays to foreign-owned mining companies. These companies export our wealth without contributing to our national economy, leaving us dependent on IMF loans and subject to their demands. This mismanagement has led to a currency exchange rate of K27.81 per US dollar, making Zambia one of the most devalued economies in Africa and forcing ordinary Zambians to bear the brunt of staggering inflation and rising costs.

The EFF pledges a new direction. When we are entrusted with power in 2026, our focus will be on restoring the Zambian economy to health by prioritizing the interests of our people. We will realign productivity toward Zambians, not foreign entities. Our commitment is to shift the ownership of our mineral wealth from foreign hands to local Zambians, ensuring that the resources of this land benefit its rightful owners. We will rely on home-grown solutions and reject IMF programs that serve foreign interests, promoting self-reliance and stability.

Today, Zambia stands at a crossroads. We must not continue on the path of economic degradation laid out by the UPND and President Hichilema. I call on all Zambians to recognize the failures of this administration and to reject the UPND government. Embrace the Economic Freedom Fighters – a Pan-African movement with a deep commitment to Zambians. We will fight to restore dignity, prosperity, and hope to our country.

Zambia deserves a future that empowers its people, not one shackled by foreign dependency. Together, let us reclaim our economy, our resources, and our destiny.

Wherever we want to go our feet will take us there.

Kasonde Mwenda C
President, Economic Freedom Fighters – EFF