LUAPULA WELCOMES ECL ENDORSEMENT

PATRIOTIC FRONT in Luapula Province welcomes the endorsement of Dr Edgar Chagwa Lungu as the Presidential Candidate for TONSE ALLIANCE 2026, we in Luapula Province have received the adoption of Dr ECL as the Presidential Candidate for TONSE ALLIANCE for 2026 General Election with happiness and joy, Dr ECL is the only Presidential Candidate who can stand with UPND President HH during the 2026 election and defeat him. The People of Luapula Province and Zambia at large have seen the massive development Dr ECL did in the country when he governed our nation from 2015 to 2021, as compared to the UPND President HH who has failed to fulfil any of his campaign promises he made to the people of Zambia in 2021. Dr ECL is the only candidate who can rescue our mother Zambia from HH’s destroying of our Republican Constitution, Democracy, rule of law, unity and the collapse of economy, he is our torch bearer and our hope to bring back Zambia, the way it was before HH took over power.

The PATRIOTIC FRONT in Luapula Province promise to give support to Dr ECL and TONSE ALLIANCE as we are looking forward to the 2026 Election, all the intact structures of our party in the Province are very much ready to rise up and walk with Dr ECL to a path of victory for 2026.

The people of Luapula Province equally receive the adoption of Dr ECL as Presidential Candidate for TONSE ALLIANCE for 2026 Election with great joy, they are very happy to see their leader who is full of love and care be endorsed as a candidate for Presidency for the forth coming 2026 Election, they hope for the restoration of unity in the country, after witnessing division of the nation under the leadership of UPND and HH.

On behalf of the Province, as Provincial Chairperson for Patriotic Front in Luapula Province, I call upon all the well meaning Zambians to join hands and rally behind the leadership of Dr Edgar Chagwa Lungu, so that we give him all the support he needs as we are looking forward for his re-election as the 8th Republican President of our country Zambia. Just as Donald Trump’s re-election as the 47th US President, Dr ECL “alebwelelapo pa Mupando”.

08.11.2024

MUSUNGA Francis
PF Provincial Chairperson
LUAPULA PROVINCE.

Patriotic Front (PF) in North Western Province Welcomes the Endorsement of H.E. Edgar Chagwa Lungu as the 2026 Presidential Candidate for the Tonse Alliance

North Western Province, Zambia – The Patriotic Front (PF) in North Western Province is proud to express its full support and endorsement for the nomination of His Excellency, Edgar Chagwa Lungu, as the 2026 Presidential candidate for the Tonse Alliance.

This announcement represents a pivotal moment in our nation’s political journey, and we stand united in our belief that Dr. Lungu’s leadership will steer Zambia towards a brighter, more prosperous future.

We recognize that under the stewardship of President Lungu, Zambia witnessed significant strides in the defense of our constitution, the rule of law, and democratic values.

His commitment to upholding our nation’s foundational principles has been steadfast, and his legacy of uniting not only the ruling party but also fostering dialogue and cooperation across the political spectrum remains unparalleled.

Throughout his seven years of leadership, President Lungu demonstrated a rare ability to bring together opposing voices, creating a sense of national unity and shared purpose.
As a party, we firmly believe that Dr. Lungu’s vision for Zambia aligns with the aspirations of the Zambian people, particularly in the areas of economic revival, constitutionalism, and national development.

His focus on restoring the economy through infrastructure development, job creation, and social welfare has laid a solid foundation for a more prosperous Zambia. Furthermore, his dedication to democratic values ensures that our country remains on the path of political stability and respect for human rights.

The Patriotic Front in North Western Province firmly stands by Dr. Lungu’s leadership and vision for the future of Zambia.

As we approach the 2026 general elections, we are confident that under his guidance, the opposition will not only rise but will emerge victorious in liberating the Zambian people from the current challenges they face.
The endorsement of President Lungu is a testament to the people’s desire for strong, visionary leadership that prioritizes their welfare, guarantees constitutional integrity, and revives the nation’s economy. We believe that Zambia is poised for a brighter tomorrow, and with President Lungu leading the charge, victory in 2026 is not just possible—it is certain.

We call upon all Zambians, regardless of their political affiliation, to join hands with us in this noble cause. Together, we will restore Zambia to its rightful place as a beacon of hope, progress, and unity in Africa.

Issued by: Enock Kapalu-MCC
Patriotic Front North Western Province
08/11/24

WARNING SH0TS WERE ONLY FIRED IN SERENJE AFTER THE F|GHT|NG STARTED

…says a UPND member testifying under oath

Kabwe… Friday, November 8, 2024

A state witness, Meyor Kabwenda aged 42, of Mkushi, has told the Kabwe High Court that there was serious f|ght|ng when a group of UPND cadres ambushed a Socialist Party public meeting at the Mothers shelter in Serenje district.

Ms Kabwenda, a Chairlady in the ruling UPND, says after the f|ght|ng started, warning sh0ts were f|red in the air allegedly by party President Dr Fred M’membe.

Contrary to the testimony of other state witnesses including Emmanuel Simposya and Haggai Kwenda who were in her company, Kabwenda testified that she was not aware of any UPND official claiming to have been be@ten or @bducted by the Socialist Party.

Defense Counsel: Are you aware of a person who was @bducted by the Socialist Party on 8 April, 2023?
Witness Kabwenda: No

Defense Counsel: Are you aware of anybody that was at Fallways and was be@ten by SP members?
Witness Kabwenda: No

Defense Counsel: Confirm that there was serious fight|ng when your group entered the Socialist Party gathering at the Mothers shelter?
Witness Kabwenda: Yes there was.

Defense Counsel: After the f|ght|ng started, there were warning sh0ts?
Witness Kabwenda: Yes.

Defense Counsel: And after the Gunshots, people started scampering?
Witness Kabwenda: Yes

Ms Kabwenda is testifying in a matter in which Dr M’membe is facing three counts of acts intended to cause grievous harm emanating from the Serenje violence that occurred in April 2023.

In the first count, allegations are that the opposition leader, on the 8th of April 2023 in Serenje District of Central Province, with intent to maim, disfigure or cause grievous harm, wounded Emmanuel Simposya without any lawful justification.

In the second count where he is jointly charged with Daniel Mumba, Dr M’membe is alleged to have assaulted the ‘victim’ in question on the material day.

Particulars in the last count are that the two accused persons allegedly assaulted Haggai Kwenda.

When the matter came up today for continued trial before Hon Lady Justice RH Chibbabuka at Kabwe High Court, the witness told court that she has absolutely no evidence before court to prove that Dr M’membe confronted UPND cadres at the scene of violence in Serenje.

Trial is ongoing.

Is Mr. Mweetwa’s Reaction to the Tonse Alliance Justified? A Call for Political Maturity

By Thandiwe Ketis Ngoma

After watching Mr. Cornelius Mweetwa, UPND spokesperson, criticize the formation of the Tonse Alliance in a recent ZNBC segment, one cannot help but question why such a strong reaction is warranted. Mr. Mweetwa dismissed the alliance as a “failed project” and accused former President Dr. Edgar Lungu and the PF of trying to rebrand themselves and escape a legacy of violence, cadreism, division, and economic mismanagement. While he is entitled to his opinion, his vehement response raises concerns about a deeper fear of legitimate political competition.

In any functioning democracy, alliances are a standard political practice. They are not signs of failure but strategic moves aimed at consolidating resources and achieving shared political objectives. The UPND, as a coalition itself, benefited from a united front in the 2021 elections. Therefore, criticizing the Tonse Alliance while benefiting from a similar coalition suggests a glaring double standard. If Mr. Mweetwa is confident in the UPND’s achievements, he should be focusing on presenting their record and policy agenda, rather than attacking opposition alliances. Political discourse should be about ideas and progress, not undermining legitimate competition.

Political Alliances Are Essential to Democracy

In any democracy, political alliances play a crucial role in promoting diversity and representation. They allow parties to pool resources, broaden their reach, and offer voters more comprehensive solutions to national problems. The PF’s Tonse Alliance is no different from the UPND’s coalition, which helped propel them to power in 2021. This is a common practice across democracies, where political parties collaborate to strengthen their capacity to address the challenges they face.

Dismissing the Tonse Alliance as irrelevant undermines the political choice available to the Zambian people. Smaller, less established parties are just as vital to Zambia’s democracy, as they bring new ideas and connect with segments of society that may otherwise be overlooked by larger parties. It is troubling that Mr. Mweetwa would refer to these smaller parties as “nonentities,” when, in fact, they are vital components of Zambia’s democratic diversity. They represent the diverse voices and concerns of ordinary Zambians. These parties, though they may not hold the same power as larger ones, often bring unique perspectives and play a pivotal role in checking the excesses of dominant political forces.

The Zambian People Will Decide in 2026 – Let Them Decide Freely

Mr. Mweetwa’s harsh criticism of the Tonse Alliance, particularly its choice of Edgar Lungu as its presidential candidate, suggests a lack of confidence in the UPND’s own performance. If the UPND is truly confident in its governance, it should embrace opposition alliances as healthy political competition. Zambians are not passive; they are an informed electorate capable of making sound decisions based on the best interests of their nation.

Rather than dismissing the Tonse Alliance as a “dying horse,” Mr. Mweetwa should focus on the UPND’s record in office. If the UPND has made real progress in addressing the nation’s economic, social, and governance issues, it will have nothing to fear from political competition. The Zambian electorate will make their judgment based on facts and results, not on cheap political attacks. The focus must be on policy, not rhetoric.

Questioning the UPND’s Own Record: Has It Done Better?

While Mr. Mweetwa critiques the PF’s legacy, it’s crucial to ask whether the UPND has truly delivered on its promises to end violence, cadreism, and economic mismanagement.

1. Cadreism and Rule of Law: When the UPND assumed power, they promised to eliminate cadreism and restore the rule of law. However, reports continue to surface about UPND cadres engaging in violent, unlawful acts. Notably, there was the alarming incident at the Chienge District Council offices, where UPND cadres intimidated local officials. In North Western Province, UPND cadres threatened to circumcise former President Dr Edgar Lungu, and in Lusaka, UPND cadres harassed and insulted him when he accompanied his wife to the DEC for questioning. Furthermore, when President Harry Kalaba of Citizens First attended a radio program in Mpika, UPND cadres followed him so they could disrupt the event. All these incidents are in the public domain and they paint a troubling picture of ongoing political violence and lawlessness under UPND rule. Mr. Mweetwa should even be ashamed of talking about cadreism in PF without acknowledging that it is equally happening in his own party, the UPND. The difference between PF and UPND, where cadreism is concerned, is that the PF has actually acknowledged that cadreism was rampant during their tenure and promised that, if given an opportunity to bounce back into power, it will not be tolerated. But the UPND seems to insult the Zambian citizens’ intelligence by claiming that they have ended cadreism when the situation shows otherwise.

The selective application of law, where UPND supporters face no repercussions, is the definition of lawlessness. This is not the rule of law Zambians were promised. If Mr. Mweetwa truly believes in the rule of law, he should hold the UPND accountable for the actions of its supporters.

2. The Abduction Allegations: Recently, reports surfaced that three UPND officials were allegedly involved in the abduction of Member of Parliament Emmanuel JJ Banda. Despite these serious allegations, the police have not launched any investigation. To make matters worse, a leaked audio recording revealed a disturbing conversation between two Permanent Secretaries and a Minister, attempting to coerce Hon. Banda into exonerating the alleged abductors in exchange for his freedom. Kindly note that Hon JJ Banda was charged with fabricated, trumped-up, non-bailable charges upon mentioning his alleged abductors, which left concerned Zambians wondering why this was done amid his abduction case.

This is not just a matter of criminality; it speaks to the deep corruption within the UPND government and their disregard for accountability. With these allegations in the public domain, it’s hard to understand how Mr. Mweetwa can claim that the UPND is upholding the rule of law when there is such blatant disregard for justice. The failure to act on these serious allegations is a betrayal of the very principles the UPND campaigned on. If the UPND is indeed serious about tackling corruption, they must show the will to investigate and hold accountable those within their ranks involved in unlawful acts.

The Debt Debate: How Has UPND Utilized Borrowing?

While Mr. Mweetwa has critiqued the PF’s borrowing practices, he should be cautious when addressing the UPND’s own borrowing habits. Yes, the PF borrowed to fund infrastructure projects that have left tangible assets, such as roads, schools, hospitals, airports, and bridges. Though others have argued that this was not an ideal situation, I personally feel that it was a response to urgent national needs.

Now, the UPND has also turned to borrowing, but the question remains: What have they done with the funds they have borrowed? Where are the tangible results? What infrastructure or improvements can Zambians point to that justify this new wave of borrowing? The debt continues to rise, yet the UPND government has not demonstrated measurable success in addressing the economic challenges facing ordinary Zambians. Without visible improvements in the lives of the people, the UPND’s borrowing becomes little more than an unsustainable cycle of debt.

Mr. Mweetwa went on to say the PF left the economy in ICU. But didn’t the UPND promise that they were going to revamp the economy? What have they done instead? They have put the economy in the real ICU themselves, not the claims they made about the PF. The UPND government has implemented wrong policies and decisions that have left the economy on its knees. Mealie meal prices have escalated because they decided to sell maize from our strategic reserves. We are experiencing abnormal hours of load shedding not because of drought as being claimed, but due to poor decision-making. Government was forewarned about the impending drought, yet they still chose to enter into contracts with other countries for exporting electricity without thoroughly assessing the long-term consequences for Zambians. Their failure to prioritize the country’s needs reflects a pattern of poor decision-making and inadequate policy planning, which could have been avoided with better foresight and accountability. Without stable electricity supply, it is practically impossible to run an economy.

Cost of Living: A Growing Concern for Zambians

The cost of living has become another major issue under the UPND administration. Many citizens have expressed their frustrations, noting that under the previous government, life was much more bearable. People were able to run their businesses more effectively, and daily activities seemed less burdened by skyrocketing prices. In contrast, under the “New Dawn” government, the situation has worsened. Business owners and ordinary citizens alike have found it increasingly difficult to survive, as the cost of basic goods and services has risen sharply.

Moreover, businesses are suffering due to unreliable power supply. People have reported that power outages are now longer and more frequent, with some areas receiving only about three hours of electricity per day. In a country where small and medium enterprises form the backbone of the economy, such power cuts create severe disruptions. These blackouts affect production, increase costs, and ultimately discourage investment. Citizens are increasingly questioning how a government that promised prosperity could allow such essential services to deteriorate.

Conclusion: Focus on Constructive Debate, Not Attacks

Mr. Mweetwa should realize that political alliances, whether formed by the PF, UPND, or any other party, should be viewed as an exercise in democracy. The Tonse Alliance deserves the opportunity to present its platform, just as the UPND did in 2021. It’s time for political leaders to move beyond disparaging rivals as “failed projects” or “nonentities.” They should focus on building their own records and engaging in meaningful debates about Zambia’s future.

Mr. Mweetwa’s focus should be on presenting the UPND’s achievements and policies rather than attacking opposition alliances. If he is confident that the UPND has made positive changes in Zambia, he should trust the electorate to recognize that.

UPND LOYALISTS FEEL IGNORED, SIDELINED…holders of political power within govt have
become unresponsive to their members – Mooya

By Ernest Chanda(The Mast)

CANADA based Zambian political analyst Justine Mooya is calling for hope among UPND supporters.

Mooya invoked the legacy of late party founder Anderson Kambela Mazoka to inspire hope among UPND supporters who have been sidelined or “feel abandoned by the current leadership”.

He reports of struggles “many UPND supporters have faced over the years and their continuing disenchantment” despite their role in the party’s rise to power.

Mooya addresses the “deep sense of betrayal many UPND loyalists feel” after years of sacrifice for the party’s cause.

“Many supporters who stood firm through the party’s years in opposition faced personal and financial hardships. Some lost their businesses, others lost loved ones and many still languish in jail,” he said in a statement. “Despite these sacrifices UPND supporters are now being neglected with some feeling as though they have been reduced to objects of ridicule by members of the opposition Patriotic Front (PF).”

Mooya specifically mentioned that those who once held the UPND leaders’ backs 24/7, “day and night, during their time in opposition are now left out in the cold with little recognition or support from those in power”.

He pointed at betrayal from within and leadership disconnect.

“A major point of contention is the apparent disconnect between UPND leadership and its grassroots supporters. The holders of political power within the UPND government have become unresponsive to their own members. Despite promises of an inclusive governance model, many UPND loyalists feel ignored, sidelined or outright excluded from opportunities such as government recruitment programmes,” Mooya said.

He cited examples of prominent UPND supporters and lawyers like Martha Mushipe and Keith Mweemba, “who fought for the party during its darkest days only to find themselves marginalised when the party gained power”.

He pointed to this as an example of a “broader pattern of neglect that is eroding the once-strong bonds between UPND leadership and its base”.

Mooya also highlighted the issue of public sector hiring, particularly in the recruitment of teachers and nurses, alleging that the process has been riddled with bias, “with UPND supporters being overlooked”.

“The Public Service Management Division (PSMD) remains filled with PF cadres and relatives of those in higher authority, perpetuating a culture of nepotism and political favoritism at the expense of meritocracy,” he charged.

Despite the growing frustration, Mooya urged UPND supporters not to lose hope.

He reminded them of the God “who delivered the Israelites”, suggesting that “divine intervention could still bring them to their promised land”.

Mooya encouraged UPND members to hold on to the “legacy of Anderson Kambela Mazoka whose spirit is watching over them”, reminding them that their struggles have not been in vain.

In a pointed rebuke of the current administration, Mooya recalled a statement allegedly made by UPND leaders that they were not elected by UPND members alone but by the Zambian people as a whole.

“This is reminiscent of a traditional Tonga saying, ‘TAATA WULYA TWEE’, which translates to ‘a deceitful father during hunger tells his family that he is eating ash’, but in secret is eating honey,” he said.

According to Mooya, this reflects the disillusionment felt by many who sacrificed so much, “only to be met with empty promises”.

He argues that his critique reflects the larger dissatisfaction “within sections of the UPND who feel that the party’s leadership has strayed from its founding principles”.

Mooya believes that many of the youths who fought for the party’s survival have been left out in the cold, with the government’s focus shifting away from its original supporters to a more general appeal to the electorate.

He criticised the government for encouraging citizens to form non-functional cooperatives instead of addressing real situations.

Mooya called on UPND members to be truthful to the leadership, stressing that the party must not forget its “loyalists’ blood, sweat and tears”.

He expressed a sense of urgency, emphasising that the “God whom they worship will send a Joshua to lead them into the promised land”, referring to the biblical leader who succeeded Moses and brought the Israelites to their destiny.

Mooya said his call for hope and perseverance in the face of adversity “reminds UPND supporters of the core values and struggles that brought the party to power”.

He said while the challenges ahead are daunting, his appeal to the spirit of Mazoka and the biblical analogy of deliverance “reflect a deep yearning for inclusion and a return to the UPND’s founding ideals”.

Mooya said his impassioned statement captured the frustrations of many while also providing a glimmer of hope for a better future in which the sacrifices of UPND supporters are “finally recognised and their voices are heard”.

Lack of context leaves Afrobarometer findings on Zambia misleading

By Whitney Mulobela

All surveys whatever their intentions when done without the backdrop of a specific context from which findings should be viewed can lead to erroneous conclusions and may be downright misleading.

This could be the fate of the survey findings on Zambia by Afrobarometer, which were released in a statement on October 31, 2024 purporting that a majority of Zambians are dissatisfied with their country’s economic condition and overall direction, and also describing their personal living conditions as bad.

Afrobarometer is a Pan-African survey research network that provides data on African experiences and evaluations of democracy, governance and quality of life and its findings on Zambia make comment and observations necessary. The survey was conducted by interviewing a sample of 1,200 adult citizens between 8th July and 28th July, 2024, to yield country-level results within a margin of error of +/- 3 percentage points at a 95 per cent confidence level.

The statement reported four key findings. The first one is that two-thirds or 66 per cent of Zambians say the country is heading in the wrong direction, a 20 percentage increase from 2022.

At the outset, this presents an obvious problem of how to understand the phrase ‘wrong direction’, which has not been defined, qualified or contextualised and therefore remained a vague blanket characterisation. The question may be asked, is it the issue of political direction or economic policy?

Here are some questions which Afrobarometer needs to address regarding this so-called perceived wrong direction:

Debt restructuring accomplished and support has continued to flow totaling $561 million to Zambia as a result of this, the two key mining assets of Konkola Copper Mines and Mopani Copper Mines have been unlocked and investment of billions of dollars is set to be injected into those operations, joining other on-going projects such as First Quantum’s Nickel project’s secured $100 million, CNMC $1.3 million, $100 for Mimbula Fitula, $150 million KoBold Metals, and now the comprehensive exploration covering the whole country. Does this portend wrong direction in the mining sector?

Take the area of creation of jobs, in which the government has taken the lead securing 39,428 jobs for teachers, 14, 276 in health, and 4,500 in defence forces, while the private sector has contributed 13,632 in manufacturing, 9,432 in mining, 8,396 in agriculture, 7,252 in transport and 2,000 other in other sectors. Does this look like a country going in the wrong direction?

What about government’s commitment to take economic activity to the local community level through the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) which has seen disbursements of equal amounts to every constituency, rising from K1.5 million when the United Party for National Development (UPND) came to power to more than K30 million in the new budget.

Does this also portray a picture of a government going in the wrong direction?

The second key finding by Afrobarometer is that three-quarters or 73 per cent of Zambians say their country’s economic condition is “fairly bad” or “very bad”, while two-thirds or 66 per cent feel the same about their personal living conditions.

This finding, perhaps more so than the others, needed to be cast against the background of the now well articulated adverse impacts of drought during the last farming season. The drought has resulted in Zambia receiving low harvests of the staple crop maize, and about five million vulnerable Zambians facing the threat of hunger. The drought has also hit the country’s electricity supply capacity resulting in load shedding which, at worst reached 21 hours per day, compromising energy supply to the productive sector.

This grim scenario is what is also responsible for missing the target for projected gross domestic product growth for 2024.

In this context, reduced economic activity as a result of inadequate supply of electricity has impacted both the country and households. Therefore, characterising Zambia’s current economic condition as “fairly bad” or “very bad” is not news. Neither is the fact that 66 per cent of the people interviewed said the same about their personal living conditions. In fact, this is simply agreeing with the picture that the government itself has been painting.

The unusual or newsworthy finding is the one at number three, which said that “Fewer Zambians went without food, medical care, and a cash income during the past year”.

This then is testament to the fact that in the face of the severe impact of drought and all the noted effects to the national and personal economic conditions of Zambians, the government’s drought mitigation measures are having the desired effects. For example, it means the programme of shifting maize stocks to drought-hit maize deficit areas of the country for targeted community sales is meeting the government’s commitment that no Zambian shall go without food because of the effects of drought during the last farming season.

This key finding number three also means that apart from being shielded from hunger Zambians have experienced appreciable improvements in accessing medical care and facilitations for a cash income. These are tangible experiences.

The last key finding is a no brainer. “The increasing cost of living tops the list of important problems that Zambians want the government to address, followed by water supply, health, infrastructure/roads, farming/agriculture, food shortage/famine and electricity”. Citizens faced with the current economic conditions will put arresting the escalating cost of living at the top of the list of priorities for their government.

This being said, what remains to be addressed is the hierarchy of the presentation of the key findings, starting with one about “wrong direction”, and relegating or de-emphasising the very unusual feat of “fewer Zambians went without food, medical care and a cash income”.

The question then is, why has Afrobarometer chosen to accentuate the contentious subjective finding on perceived “wrong direction”, and down-play the tangible pleasantly unusual feat of having fewer Zambians going without food during a time of these severe impacts of the country facing shortages which have necessitated imports of maize?

The author is a lawyer, governance expert and State House Chief Comminication Strategist

By Clayson Hamasaka
Chief Communications Specialist
State House
Wednesday 6th November 2024

The claims by Former President Edgar Lungu that some judicial officers are complaining to him that they are operating under interference from State House are not only worrying, but another attempt to alarm the nation.

Recently the same Edgar Lungu claimed that some Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) officials went to him wondering how he lost elections.

In the first place, Mr. Lungu as a lawyer and former President, should know that he is not the bonafide institution under the laws of Zambia to whom officers can complain to.
The official and rightful institution for judicial officers to complain to is the Judicial Complaints Commission (JCC).

Grievance procedure for both the public service and the judiciary is well laid down. We can therefore only conclude that those reporting to Mr. Lungu are PF affiliates who were deployed in these institutions.

The new Dawn UPND administration remains committed to having a professional civil service and an independent judicial devoid of political affiliates who will be reporting to the former President. When action is taken against these political cadres who are reporting to him, Mr. Lungu should therefore not cry foul.

At no time has President Hakainde Hichilema or indeed anybody in State House ever interfered in the operations of oversight institutions such as the Judiciary. As we have stated before, President Hichilema respects the separation of powers. The independence of the three arms of government remains critical to the growth of our democracy, which President Hichilema cherishes.

What is becoming abundantly clear, is that Mr. Lungu is revealing how he used to interfere in the operations of governance institutions and thinks President Hichilema is doing the same.

Mr. Lungu statements implies that he had planted his own people in these institutions not on merit but based patronage.

We find it alarming that the whole lot of the former President does not find it awkward to tell the whole country that some Judicial officials are secretly confiding in him. What is he discussing with judicial officers? In what capacity are these judicial officers reporting to him?

Is he suggesting that when he meets the named officials, he seeks favours from them to manipulate their judgements in his favour?

Does this confirm what was revealed that some judgements, during Mr. Lungu’s time, were written over the weekends and in private places. Is this a confirmation how his administration manipulated the judiciary to that extent that they would wake up Judges at night to make certain judgements?

It is clear that Mr. Lungu is mistaking this regime thinking of his tenure when PF thugs would camp in the sacred grounds of the high court premises, drinking and putting pressure on the judges to rule in his favour.

*Why Sishuwa Sishuwa’s Predictions on Zambia’s 2026 Election Are Baseless and Politically.   Short-Sighted*

*By Abuild Mubanga*

Sishuwa Sishuwa’s recent commentary on Zambia’s 2026 election is riddled with baseless conjecture, guesswork, and an obvious bias aimed at undermining President Hakainde Hichilema’s standing. What Sishuwa presents as analysis is instead a narrative fueled by selective interpretation, void of factual foundation, and driven more by desire than objective insight.

First, Sishuwa dismisses Hichilema’s re-election prospects as “wishful thinking,” asserting there is no empirical evidence to suggest he will secure a second term. However, this statement ignores the government’s significant strides in strengthening Zambia’s economy, stabilizing inflation, and restoring Zambia’s credibility on the international stage. President Hichilema inherited an economy crippled by debt and corruption under the Patriotic Front (PF), yet in a short time, his administration has focused on restoring fiscal discipline and repairing the damage done by his predecessor.

To suggest that these achievements have no bearing on the 2026 election outcome is to deliberately ignore the transformative impact this government has had. Sishuwa’s accusations that Hichilema is using state machinery to suppress opposition parties reveal another flaw in his analysis.

He cites alleged abuses, including the denial of public assembly for opposition parties and targeted arrests, without offering concrete evidence. It is disingenuous to portray routine law enforcement as political suppression. For instance, Zambia’s justice system operates independently and is expected to enforce laws impartially.

*The arrests Sishuwa references likely relate to cases where laws were violated, not an orchestrated attack on political rivals. Further, his claim that the government manipulated PF’s internal structure to facilitate by-elections is speculative at best and ignores PF’s own history of internal factionalism and mismanagement,* which has left it weak and fragmented. If Sishuwa insists on accountability, he must demand it equally across political lines, recognizing that no one should be above the law.

The claim that Hichilema’s administration is “packing” the Electoral Commission of Zambia and the Constitutional Court with loyalists is equally baseless. Every leader has the prerogative to make appointments that align with their vision for the country, provided these appointments adhere to constitutional guidelines and democratic norms.

Sishuwa’s insinuation that these appointments are somehow part of a plot to subvert democracy shows a fundamental misunderstanding of governance. When Hichilema assumed office, the judiciary and electoral bodies were already deeply tainted by a decade of PF influence. His duty, therefore, is to restore these institutions’ independence and public trust, not to preserve PF appointees who may hold entrenched biases against his administration.

Sishuwa’s narrative around the so-called absence of viable opposition alternatives also reveals his contradictions. If Hichilema’s popularity is truly dwindling and the opposition is gaining traction, as he implies, then why resort to wild claims about political repression? The truth is simple: the opposition lacks credibility, cohesion, and a compelling alternative vision. The PF has, time and again, shown that it is more focused on internal strife and division than on offering Zambia a credible path forward. To assume that Hichilema is attacking a “strong opposition” misrepresents reality; in truth, the opposition is its own worst enemy, plagued by scandal and infighting that precludes it from being taken seriously as a governmental alternative.

In his analysis, he attempts to cast former president Edgar Lungu as a significant factor in the 2026 election, overlooking the fact that Lungu’s legacy is deeply tarnished by accusations of rampant corruption, economic mismanagement, and the erosion of democratic principles. Zambia’s electorate has not forgotten the failures of the Lungu administration, and any attempt by him to re-enter the political arena will likely invigorate Hichilema’s base rather than weaken it.

The Zambian people understand what Lungu’s return would entail: a revival of the same disastrous policies that nearly led the nation to economic collapse. The assumption that Lungu’s influence remains a decisive factor is not only misleading but an insult to the intelligence of Zambian voters who have already rejected his leadership.

He further attempts to portray Hichilema’s administration as insecure, arguing that the government is “psyching” Zambians to accept a supposedly inevitable victory through voter manipulation. He fails to acknowledge that Hichilema’s support is built on a foundation of accountability, economic reform, and a commitment to transparency. These are not hollow promises but a practical response to the needs of the Zambian people, who have witnessed substantive change under this administration. While challenges remain, it is dishonest to suggest that Hichilema’s re-election bid is based solely on a lack of competition; it is instead rooted in a track record that contrasts sharply with the PF’s failures.

Sishuwa’s portrayal of Zambian voters as passive participants in a flawed democracy is particularly troubling. Zambians are politically astute, informed, and deeply invested in their nation’s future. They have consistently shown a willingness to hold leaders accountable through the ballot box.

The notion that voters will somehow accept a “rigged” election ignores both the resilience of Zambia’s democratic fabric and the vigilance of its citizenry. Should Hichilema win in 2026, it will not be due to voter suppression or manipulation but a recognition of his government’s efforts to restore national pride, economic stability, and a sense of purpose that was lost under PF.

Lastly, Sishuwa’s lament about supposedly regretting his vote for Hichilema in 2021 is a telling reflection of his misplaced expectations rather than an indictment of the president. Hichilema was elected to address systemic issues, including a debt crisis, governance challenges, and a lack of accountability that festered under PF.

While Hichilema’s administration may not have achieved all its goals within a mere few years, the reforms underway demonstrate a clear commitment to a better Zambia. If anything, his presidency marks a return to integrity and accountability in governance—a far cry from the corruption-laden regime he succeeded.

*Ultimately, Sishuwa’s article is a blend of exaggerated fears, personal grievances, and wishful thinking that fails to offer any viable solutions or realistic alternatives.*

Rather than providing a constructive critique, he succumbs to a defeatist narrative that disrespects the progress Zambia has made. The 2026 election is far from decided, but Zambia deserves a balanced discourse that acknowledges reality over rhetoric.

Zambia’s future depends on leaders who are committed to unity, transparency, and economic progress—not on naysayers who peddle baseless fears.

PUBLIC POLICY ANALYST MARTIN MASUMBA WRITES;

Congratulations President Trump!


We join the world leaders to congratulate President-elect Mr. Donald Trump on his emphatic re-election as President of the United States of America. Mr. Trump lost his re-election bid four (4) years ago to President Joe Bidden. From the first day he handed over power, Mr. Trump has been clear that he would seek re-election in order to continue with his “Making America Great Again” crusade, which according to him was the best programme for the United States.

This victory is a historic one and makes Mr. Trump the 47th President of the United States. This is a demonstration of trust that the American people have in his leadership and his campaign message of making the world a better place through the promotion of peace, unity, and prosperity for all.

When it became clear that Mr. Trump had won this election, a good friend of mine sent me a message asking me what this meant for Mr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu (ECL), the former president of the Republic of Zambia, who also had announced his return to politics. This is Mr. Lungu, who led Zambia from January 2015 to August 2021, when he was voted out amid accusations that his government was corrupt and increasingly authoritarian.

To put this into context, Mr. Lungu has returned to politics, and many things have been said about his return. Many citizens actually feel that Mr. Lungu does not even qualify to seek re-election. His case is before the constitutional seeking interpretation to this effect. On the other hand, it was not in contest whether Mr. Trump had served his two terms of office or not.

Clearly, Mr. Lungu’s return to politics has received mixed reactions. His supporters are mostly the senior PF leadership and their accomplices, who see him as a messiah to liberate them from being held accountable for their several financial atrocities committed whilst serving in government.

Mr. Lungu’s potential bid to return to power in the 2026 general elections would be detrimental to Zambia’s progress and democratic growth. Having already served two terms as President from January 2015 to August 2021, Lungu’s return would undermine the country’s efforts to combat corruption and promote good governance.

Corruption Allegations
Lungu’s presidency was marred by corruption allegations, including accusations of accumulating wealth through corrupt activities. The Zambian Financial Intelligence Centre (FIC) investigated Lungu’s alleged involvement in corrupt dealings, including receiving bribes in the form of land and monetary gifts from businessman Mr.Michelo Shakantu. A key allegation was that one of Mr. Shakantu’s companies, Inyatsi Road Construction, had obtained a number of road construction contracts and in turn offered bribes in the form of land and monetary gifts to high-profile individuals. Mr. Lungu was mentioned to be allegedly one of the beneficiaries of these gifts, the FIC noted, writing that in 2018, Mr. Shakantu bought a plot of land for Mr. Lungu at a luxury golf estate in Eswatini. President Lungu’s family and many of his close accomplices have been at the centre of grand corruption involving suspicious accumulation of properties suspected to be proceeds of crime. They have all been implicated in various allegations involving abuse of public resources, corruption, and abuse of authority of office. Therefore, Mr. Lungu’s legacy of entrenching corruption eroded public trust.

Undermining Democratic Institutions
Mr. Lungu’s attempt to seek a third term would also undermine Zambia’s democratic institutions. His previous bid for a third term was defeated, and his Patriotic Front party suffered a resounding loss to Hakainde Hichilema’s United Party for National Development. Allowing Mr. Lungu to return to power would send a worrying signal about the strength of Zambia’s democratic systems.

Economic Consequences
Furthermore, Mr. Lungu’s economic policies during his presidency led to Zambia becoming Africa’s most indebted nation. His return would likely perpetuate the same economic mismanagement, further entrenching poverty and inequality.

Rule of Law
The rule of law is another critical concern. Mr. Lungu’s presidency was marked by authoritarian tendencies, including the suppression of opposition and restrictions on media freedom. He is also notoriously remembered for his promotion of tribal hegemony. His tribally skewed composition of cabinet, the public service, and the foreign service was a clear message that he did not believe in the national motto of “one Zambia and one nation”.  His resentment for the people who hailed from the regions traditionally perceived as strongholds of the United Party for National Unity was not a secret as he led an unpopular tribal cleansing retiring in national interest of such people from the government. His return would likely continue these trends, undermining the progress made by the current administration in promoting democratic values.

Conclusion
In conclusion, Mr. Lungu’s bid to return to power in 2026 would be a step backward for Zambia. His corruption-tainted legacy, undermining of democratic institutions, economic mismanagement, and disregard for the rule of law make him an unsuitable candidate for the presidency. Zambia deserves a leader who will build on the progress made by the current administration, not reverse it. His Excellency Dr. Hakainde Hichilema remains the best option for Zambia in 2026. The best successor to President Hichilema in 2026 is President Hichilema himself. In any case, a great Zambia does not need Mr. Lungu near and around state power.

Dr. Martin Mushumba
Public Policy Analyst

Who will win Zambia’s 2026 election? Is there an alternative?

By Sishuwa Sishuwa

The answer is that, at this stage, I do not know. There are so many variables that are yet to be determined, though it is fair to say that  as of today, many people in Zambia may not know who they will vote for in the 2026 election, but they already know who they will not vote for.

I am not persuaded, however, by the bold assertion being made by some that President Hakainde Hichilema will be re-elected. Such assumptions are, in my view, based on wishful thinking, dressed in certainties, rather than concrete data and a careful consideration of the unfolding political landscape. This is because the empirical evidence, based on the current political landscape, simply does not support such a conclusion.

In a sense, Hichilema recognises the changing political tide against him and this might explain why he has devised several ugly strategies to help him retain power. these include weakening the political opposition through the abuse of the police (e.g. endless arrests, court cases, and repeated denial of their right to public assembly) and destroying the main opposition party using the Registrar of Societies (I am aware that the government recently changed the names of PF office bearers from Miles Sampa to Robert Chawinga etc, with the planned intention of expelling both Miles, followed by a by-election in Matero, and Edgar Lungu).

Other strategies are packing the electoral commission with ruling party members to possibly help manipulate the election; and packing the Constitutional Court with regime-friendly judges – Hichilema is about to appoint three more judges after he got rid of three appointed by his predecessor to create room for more of his own appointees – who may potentially uphold a rigged election.

The narrative that there is no alternative to unseat Hichilema is largely peddled by supporters of the ruling party to make themselves feel better and ignores the extent to which the president has gone to destroy the opposition in the last three years. If there is no credible opposition, then why the hell is Hichilema so desperate to destroy the PF?! In my view, this narrative is deliberately designed to achieve two objectives.

The first is to help create knowledge or identify the person seen by many voters as a suitable alternative so that the ruling party may target such a person for destruction, as they have done with other opposition leaders. Nearly all opposition leaders have been arrested under the UPND on a variety of what appears to be trumped-up charges. If evidence emerged today showing that many voters are gravitating towards a person named HaHa for presidency, it is not inconceivable that all manner of charges or other accusations will be brought against the said HaHa.

The second motive behind the creation of the narrative that there is no opposition is to psyche the minds of Zambians into accepting a possible flawed Hichilema victory. I won’t be surprised if the authorities decided to ban parallel vote tabulation ahead of the 2026 election! Such is their desperation! If the UPND plans to rig the election, then Zambians are being prepared to accept the results using the notion that the outcome was a foregone conclusion since there was no opposition.

It is quite telling that both the UPND leadership and supporters are expressing confidence that voters will re-elect their party not because it has delivered its campaign promises but because there is no opposition. The idea that voters are so in love with Hichilema that they will vote for him, even if he fails to meet their aspirations, is quite insulting. What has he actually done to get re-elected?

In my view, Hichilema is politically insecure, and he and his supporters know that they are in trouble. When it comes to the bigger national issues, such as safeguarding the country’s cherished democracy, getting the best out of Zambia’s mineral wealth, respecting the constitution and the rule of law, fighting corruption beyond rhetoric, genuine promotion of national unity and equitable distribution of appointments to public service positions, sorting out the cost-of-living crisis and the deplorable conditions of life for most Zambians, Hichilema has, so far, lamentably failed.

The frustrating thing for the ruling party is that they do not know, for now, who will be Hichilema’s main opponent in 2026 and the role that former president Edgar Lungu – yes, he remains a factor, just like Rupiah Banda was in the 2015 election – will play in influencing the outcome.

In a sense, Hichilema is in a dilemma or catch-22: to use the courts to block Lungu and risk being defeated by a candidate endorsed by the excluded former president, or to let Lungu stand and either risk the embarrassment of being defeated by his predecessor or hope that Lungu would split the opposition vote and consequently allow Hichilema to snatch a close victory?

The precarious situation in which Hichilema finds himself today is a self-inflicted problem. Hichilema had a lot of goodwill and all he needed to do was to deliver or make serious efforts to deliver on his campaign promises, and take the people, from whom his executive authority derives, into his confidence where there are challenges.  Unfortunately, he has messed up big time.

What might help Hichilema is the disunity of the opposition. If opposition parties are able to put country first, work together, and field a common and credible presidential candidate in 2026, then we might as well start calling Hichilema ‘former president of Zambia’.

Do I regret voting for Hichilema in 2026? No. As I have argued previously, the best thing about electing Hichilema president was that we are no longer distracted by his threat or potential to be better than those who came before him and we can now start looking for suitable, if better, alternatives. If Hichilema did not become President of Zambia, we would have lived with some degree of guilty for not giving him the chance to govern. We could have also succumbed to certain narratives that suggest that some regions of Zambia can provide better leaders than others.

To some extent, it is not regrettable that the man got the opportunity to lead. Now we know that in order to develop, Zambia does not need a given region or an individual from a particular ethnic group in State House. The country simply needs competent men and women who are patriots, have a feasible plan, and are committed to restoring the nation’s dignity, where they come from notwithstanding.

In a certain weird and perverted sense, it is good that Zambians gave Hichilema a chance to reveal who he truly is. The Chewa-speaking people of Zambia have a saying that “The best way of proving the potency of a man who claims that he is able to achieve an erection is for the woman to undress for him.” In August 2021, Zambians undressed for Hichilema after a decade-and-half of claiming that he is capable of taking them to greater heights!

Source: Who will Zambia’s 2026 election? Here is the answer

https://x.com/ssishuwa/status/1854509304063099380

CDF A GAME CHANGER IN HEALTH AND EDUCATION IN CENTRAL PROVINCE – MWANAKAMPWE

Central Province Permanent Secretary Dr. Milner Mwanakampwe has provided a comprehensive report on the utilization of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) in 2023 and the ongoing projects for 2024. Speaking to journalists during a media briefing at his office in Kabwe, Dr. Mwanakampwe highlighted significant financial investments aimed at improving education, healthcare, and community welfare, as well as underscoring challenges such as low loan repayment rates and energy shortages that are affecting the local economy.

Dr. Milner Mwanakampwe highlighted the province’s use of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) over the past two years, emphasizing significant investments in education, skills development, empowerment grants, and community infrastructure. In 2023, the province allocated K6.26 million to support secondary school students with boarding bursaries, while K5.1 million was spent on skills training programs for over 5,100 youths. For 2024, the skills development initiative has expanded, with K84.9 million set aside to train more than 6,800 young people. In terms of empowerment, K32.42 million in grants was disbursed to 1,242 cooperatives, individuals, and companies in 2023, along with K41.23 million in loans to 347 recipients. For 2024, grant allocations have increased to K33.9 million, benefiting 990 recipients, while K52 million in loans will be given to 402 individuals and organizations. Community infrastructure saw the completion of 299 projects in 2023, with a K239.4 million budget, and 383 projects are planned for 2024, with an increased budget of K296 million. Dr. Mwanakampwe also reported K5.8 million was allocated for 77 disaster-related projects in 2023, and a further K3.9 million is set aside for 24 projects in 2024. 

Despite the significant investments, Dr. Mwanakampwe acknowledged several bottlenecks and challenges that have hampered the full success of the CDF program. A key issue he raised was the low repayment rates for loans disbursed under the CDF. The Permanent Secretary stressed that loans are not free money and must be repaid so that the fund can continue to benefit other members of the community.

“There is a tendency among some cooperatives and individuals to misuse loans for personal consumption rather than investing in projects that can generate returns. It is crucial that people understand that these funds are meant for investment and repaying them is essential for sustainability,” Dr. Mwanakampwe said.

Additionally, the Permanent Secretary criticized certain Constituency Development Fund Committee (CDFC) members for allegedly extorting money from beneficiaries by claiming to have facilitated access to loans and grants. He warned the public against such practices and called for reports to be made to the police in such cases.

Another challenge raised by Dr. Mwanakampwe was the misapplication of funds. He cited examples of projects, such as those involving the rearing of goats, where beneficiaries altered their original plans after receiving financial support, opting instead to rear chickens or engage in unrelated activities.

The Permanent Secretary also celebrated the province’s achievements in education and health infrastructure. Notably, over 350 classroom blocks have been constructed and rehabilitated between 2022 and 2024. These include 116 new classrooms built in 2023 and 117 in 2024, in response to the increasing number of students returning to school due to the government’s free education initiative. This initiative, aimed at increasing access to education for young people and adults, has led to overcrowded classrooms, a challenge that the provincial government is working to alleviate.

“In response to overcrowding, we are continuing to expand and build more schools,” Dr. Mwanakampwe explained. “While some classrooms are overcrowded, it is better than the alternative leaving children without education.”

In addition to classrooms, there has been significant progress in the construction of staff houses, with 72 houses built or rehabilitated between 2022 and 2024 to accommodate teachers and education staff.

Healthcare infrastructure has also seen improvements, with the construction of over 70 health posts and maternity annexes since 2022. In 2024, 40 new health posts were completed, providing better access to healthcare in rural areas.

Dr. Mwanakampwe also discussed the province’s progress in water and sanitation projects. Over 600 boreholes have been drilled to improve access to clean water, and 32 ablution blocks have been constructed in public places.

Additionally, he noted the increasing need for green energy solutions, given the ongoing energy shortages in the province, which have led to job losses, particularly in the manufacturing sector. He confirmed that efforts are being made to address these issues, with ZESCO planning to introduce 100 megawatts of green energy into the national grid by March 2025.

Dr. Mwanakampwe appealed to the public to focus on boosting local production as a means of reducing the cost of living. He emphasized that sustainable economic growth can only be achieved through increased production, especially in agriculture, and called for all sectors of society to contribute to this goal.

“The government has done its part, but we must all work together to reduce the cost of living through production. Without production, there is no other magic formula,” he said.

While significant progress has been made in terms of infrastructure development and community empowerment, challenges such as loan repayment issues, misuse of funds, and energy shortages remain. However, Dr. Mwanakampwe’s update offers a clear picture of the province’s efforts to address these challenges and its ongoing commitment to improving the livelihoods of its citizens.

SPICE FM

DONALD TRUMP’s ELECTION: AFRICA FIRST

By Andyford Mayele Banda

After the declaration of Donald Trump as the 47th President of the United States of America (USA) it is a no brainer that a good number of Africans including its leaders are scratching their heads as to what this means and how much aid from the United States will be or not be available for the next four years, either through bilateral arrangements or non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

Indeed, the USA has a  greater level of influence across the world in many aspects, hence there is greater anxiety not just in Africa but other parts too.

The question is, is it right especially for a continent like Africa in the year 2024, to hinge or lose its hope on an election of a US President? 

It is important to note that despite various signature programs from different US Presidents over the years, poverty has continued escalating in Africa pointing to the fact that a US President’s election has never and will not have any impact on the future outlook of Africa. There have been various initiatives from George W. Bush’s President’s Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), Obama’s Power Africa and Young African Leadership Initiative (YALI) and Trump’s touted Prosper Africa but none has sorted any problems the continent is facing including in the areas the programs have focused on.

In the midst of African leadership deficiencies, we cannot completely discount the help received from America especially George W. Bush’s PEPFAR program which saved many people living with HIV/AIDS.

However, it will be folly to think Africa’s development and future outlook should be tied to who is elected as President of America.

Many African leaders have sent and are still sending congratulatory messages to Donald Trump on his come back for the top job in the USA, but what does the Trump Presidency mean for Africa? Nothing much really. But of course with renewed rivalry with China over the scramble for resources in Africa needed for energy transition, such as copper and lithium and a number of other metals African leaders should expect to be bullied to align with the US under the Donald Trump Presidency.

Donald Trump’s Prosper Africa initiative in his first term which was designed to assist US companies seeking to do business in Africa may be more aggressive this time as the USA want to counter China in accessing and exploiting Africa’s raw materials as a result of projected demand due to energy transition.

In December 2018, in launching the Trump Administration’s US African policy Ambassador John Bolton set the tone for the administration in a speech where he challenged African governments to choose the United States over China and Russia for their commercial, security, and political relationships. The focal point of Trump’s African strategy could be countering China’s commercial, security, and political influence in Africa. Under Donald Trump, great power competition with China may play a significant role in US-Africa relations. Africa has always been framed as a pawn in a great game, as if it is something to be lost or won and that is not expected to change.

On the other hand, U.S. President Donald Trump naturally shows little interest in Africa. You may recall at a summit in Hamburg of Group of 20 in his first term, President Donald Trump walked out of a working session on Africa. Earlier the same year his Secretary of State Rex Tillerson invited African Union chief Moussa Faki to Washington, and then backed out of the meeting at the last minute. So much disrespect indeed!

In terms of aid, while it was feared in his first term that he would implement deep cuts to foreign aid programs of about 30% which would impact Africa greatly, his administration carried on many of the constructive policies of its predecessors. The continuity was largely due to bipartisanship in Congress.

Henceforth, there is no need to be anxious about who is coming in as the President of the United States. It is clear that growing populations across the world including the US itself presents different dynamics and straining US resources. This should be a wake up call for Africa not to expect a savior from America but focus on sorting out its internal political and economic hindrances as a continent.

What will save Africa, is the restructuring of its economic systems which the United States, Europe, China and now the gulf states have continued to exploit for their own benefits at the detriment of Africans.

Africa must with immediate effect stop the continuous exploitation of its resources by the so –  called superpowers to develop their countries. That is the savior that Africa needs. It is clear with many political events that have happened such as the Kenya Gen-z protests, elections in Senegal and Botswana that the African youth will not continue to tolerate propaganda governments but want sustainable jobs and opportunities.

On the other hand, new generation of African leaders must detach itself from colonial political systems of exploitation, tribalism, ethnicity, nepotism but focus on radical reforms and building institutions that will be run by the best educated, passionate and committed Africans.

Africa must therefore strengthen her institutions to ensure that they are run independent of the Big Men African presidents who have perpetually run colonial governance systems only in place to serve and advance personal, ethnic and political interests. These institutions must serve justice and fight corruption to the core. 

Indeed, it is clear that in the new Africa there is no place for African Presidents perpetuating colonial motivated exploitive style of governance but progress. It is also clear that the US elections has no bearing on the future outlook of Africa but our radical restructuring of political and economic systems does. Africa must think twice, solve her own problems and reduce overdependence on outsiders like the USA. If anything, Africa has more to offer than it is receiving…..

The author is leader of the People’s Alliance for Change (PAC) in Zambia and a two – time Presidential candidate.

He is also the author of a newly released book ; Economic Systems Dismantling – Why Zambia can a be model for African transformation (available on Amazon and Draft2digital platforms such as apple book store).