EXPLAINER: What Bill 7 Really Says & What It Does Not Say
Public debate around Bill 7 has intensified across the country. Priests, civil society organisations and opposition figures have argued that the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill No. 7 of 2025 is a political manoeuvre designed to entrench the ruling party. Supporters of the process insist that most concerns arise from misinterpretation and speculation rather than the contents of the Bill itself. To understand the issues clearly, it is necessary to turn directly to the Government Gazette, where the Bill is published in full.
The central rumour is that Bill 7 extends the presidential term from five to seven years. This claim is not supported by the text. The presidential term is defined under Article 106(1) and (2). Bill 7 does not amend Article 106, nor does it introduce any clause altering the existing five-year term or the two-term limit. No part of the Bill introduces an extended presidential tenure. The idea of a seven-year term does not appear in the document.
The Bill’s most significant changes appear under Article 47, which is repealed and replaced to introduce a mixed-member proportional representation electoral system. The Gazette states that National Assembly elections shall be conducted through “first-past-the-post electoral system for Members of Parliament contesting for constituency-based seats” and a “proportional representation electoral system for women, youths and persons with disabilities as prescribed.”
This reflects a dual-track system combining direct constituency elections with national proportional allocation.
Related to this shift is the expansion of the National Assembly. Article 68 is amended to provide for “two hundred and eleven Members of Parliament directly elected on the basis of a simple majority vote” together with “not more than twenty women,” “not more than twelve youths,” and “not more than three persons with disabilities” elected under proportional representation.
These seats are to be distributed by the Electoral Commission to political parties “in proportion to the total number of votes obtained by a political party on the proportional representation ballot.”
The Bill also revises nomination requirements. Under the amended Article 52(1), a candidate must file a nomination paper supported by an affidavit confirming constitutional qualifications. Article 52(6) tightens rules around withdrawals and disqualifications. It provides that where a candidate “resigns after having been nominated,” they shall not be eligible to contest the election, and the election proceeds as scheduled.
It further states that where a candidate “has been disqualified by a court, after close of nominations,” that candidate cannot contest the election. If a candidate dies before election day, the Electoral Commission “shall cancel the election, and call for the filing of fresh nominations.”
One of the most debated provisions concerns by-elections. Article 72(8) is repealed and replaced with a clause stating that where a vacancy occurs for an MP, “the political party that sponsored the member who held the seat shall elect another person to replace that member to assume that seat in the National Assembly.”
This marks a departure from competitive by-elections for party-held seats, concentrating the replacement power in political party structures. The Electoral Commission is tasked with setting the date and time for submission of the replacement MP’s name.
A similar structure applies to local government offices. Article 158 provides that if a vacancy occurs in the office of mayor, council chairperson or councillor, the local authority must notify the Electoral Commission within seven days, and “the political party that sponsored the mayor, council chairperson or councillor who held the seat, shall elect another person to replace that mayor, council chairperson or councillor.”
The replacement then assumes the seat for the remainder of the term.
The term of Parliament is addressed under a revised Article 81. The Gazette restates that “the term of Parliament and term of office of a Member of Parliament shall be five years.” Parliament may extend its own life only “when the Republic is at war,” and only “by a simple majority vote of the Members of Parliament,” for “not more than twelve months at a time.”
This provision has been present in Zambia’s constitutional structure for many years. Article 81(3) provides that Parliament shall stand dissolved a few months ahead of general elections.
The Bill introduces a procedure under which the President may dissolve Parliament if it “cannot effectively govern the Republic due to the failure of the National Assembly to objectively and reasonably carry out its legislative function.” In such a case, Article 81(6) requires the President to “inform the public and refer the matter, within seven days” to the Constitutional Court.
The Court must “hear and determine the matter” within seven days. If the Court confirms that Parliament has failed in the manner described, the President must dissolve Parliament. Elections must then be held within ninety days of dissolution.
The Bill also revises qualifications for mayors and council chairpersons. Article 154 requires candidates to be citizens, at least twenty-one years old, registered voters and holders of at least a Grade 12 certificate or its equivalent. The Bill maintains the requirement that mayors and council chairpersons be directly elected, while deputy mayors and deputy council chairpersons are chosen by councillors.
The memorandum to the Bill outlines its objectives, including increasing constituency-based seats, introducing proportional representation to strengthen participation by women, youths and persons with disabilities, revising nomination rules, revising by-elections, harmonising the term of Parliament and councils to a five-year period, removing the two-term limit for office of mayor and council chairperson, revising qualifications for certain offices, and clarifying definitions such as “child,” “adult,” “general election,” “term,” and “constituency-based seat.”
From a technical standpoint, the Bill is an electoral and administrative reform package. It alters parliamentary composition, nomination procedures, party powers over vacancies, and the mechanisms governing the dissolution and prorogation of Parliament. It does not alter the presidential term or introduce a seven-year tenure.
The most significant democratic questions arise from the shift to political-party-controlled replacements and the broader implications of proportional representation within Zambia’s political landscape.
If you have insights or perspectives on this matter, write to us at editor.peoplesbrief@gmail.com.
© The People’s Brief | Explainer —Ollus R. Ndomu
There’s one issue of critical importance which you are skirting around ba UPND brief. You know it’s the bone of contention but you don’t want to talk about it.
Constituency based Parliamentary Seats
55 EXTRA PARLIAMENTARY SEATS
– How did the government arrive at 55 additional Parliamentary seats ? Where is this coming from.
– how are these Seats spread through out the Country?
– why is Hakainde Keeping in secret the Delimitation Report conducted by the Electoral Commission of Zambia.
Let Mr Hakainde Hichilema release the Delimitation Report in full so that citizens can debate the illegitimate and unconstitutional Bill 7 from an informed position.
For those who want to know the reason for Hakainde’s push for the Illegitimate and unconstitutional Bill 7 to pass , I present to you the reasons.
The “UPND” brief can’t publish my article.
If the illegitimate and unconstitutional Bill 7 is allowed to become law, it will make effect the “TOP SECRET” ECZ Delimitation Report…
As a result the UPND will be assured of 95 constituency based Parliamentary seats in 3.5 provinces of Zambia, namely Southern, Western, Northwestern and part Central Province. ( Assumptions based on the little data filtering through from the Census Report)
No Opposition party will win any constituency based Parliamentary seat in Southern, Western and North Western Provinces of Zambia.This is a fact.
The major political party, the Patriotic Front is as of today not on the ballot..
This leaves the UPND to battle for the other 99 Constituency based Parliamentary seats with other small Parties..and your guess is as good as mine as to what will happen.
Assuming a 50% showing by the small Parties, UPND gets an additional 47 Seats resulting into 146 Constituency based seats.
Further assuming 50% showing of small Parties on the Proportional representation ballot, the UPND gets 11 more seats resulting into 157 Seats.
If Mr Hakainde wins the presidency, with 10 Nominated seats, the UPND will get a total of 167 seats in a 216 Member National Assembly.
And am even being generous to the small Parties.
This is what will happen come 14th August,2026.
With the Illegitimate and unconstitutional Bill 7 becoming law, and the major political party being excluded from the elections, expect more or less a single party, UPND , in Parliament from 2026.
The Legislature will be in the hands of 3 regions of Zambia…
And the one who holds the Legislature holds the Power.
It’s like a state within a state.
These 3 regions can change any law..
They can do away with the 50+1, Running Mate clause, Presidential term, or even the Unitary state of Zambia to have a federal structure.. That’s the future from 2026.
The only law which involves the entire population of Zambian is the Bill of Rights where a Referendum is required. All the other laws can easily be changed.
If anyone thinks Southern Province, Western Province and Northwestern provinces will vote for another party apart from the UPND in 2026 or in the near future is fooling himself.
Then comes the methodical rule ….Speaker, Deputy Speaker,
Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice, Secretary to Treasury, Bank of Zambia Governor, Attorney general, Solicitor General, ECZ Commissioners, ACC Commissioners etc. and all the appointments rubber stamped by a 3 regions Parliament.
It’s like creating a state within a state with power held by 3 regions.
That’s why there’s this push by Hakainde.
It’s a Regional Hegemony.