MULUSA RESIGNS AS UKA SG WITH IMMEDIATE EFFECT

To the chairman
United Kwacha Alliance Council of Presidents
New Heritage Party secretariat
Ceder Road
Woodlands
Lusaka.

Dear Sir,

RE: IMMEDIATE STEPPING DOWN AS UKA SECRETARY GENERAL

You will recall as well as I do that yesterday, His excellence President Edgar Chagwa Lungu, Presidents Prof. Apostle Pule, Sean Tembo, and myself had to leave the CoP Meeting prematurely due to prior engagements. This left only four of you save for Pres. Nawakwi, to pass resolutions that have shocked the local political landscape.

I must hasten to state that, I learnt with a state of shock regarding the decisions to expel the three members, namely Presidents Peter Sinkamba, Apostle Pule, and Sean Tembo. This has left me in a state of petrificus totalus, which state cannot allow me to function with the free spirit I enjoyed prior to this development.

You will recall that, while I was not against fair sanctions being meted out to erring members, I always prayed for application of due processes that would underwrite fairness, right to be heard and sanctions that would not be out of all proportions to the nature of the offences committed.

This development has made the working environment to suddenly become extremely toxic, perpetuated by just a few individuals who caucus before every meeting while others innocently attend with a free spirit hoping to achieve the best alternative political proposition for our beloved nation.

To try and achieve self-satisfaction at the expense of other people’s human feelings is baffling. To announce the expulsion of president Sinkamba when he had issued numerous statements that he had moved on is similar to pulling a rag under somebody’s feet when they are no longer standing on any. It shows what motivates you to do so is not fairness but vanity, its not love, but pure unbridled hatred, and everything anti Christian.

Your small (a few members of CoP) team’s constant visitation of the desire to inflict the harshest punishment on members you have not given an opportunity to be heard, and neither has the full CoP had the team’s opportunity to deliberate, nor has application of the due process been done, has painfully guided my conscious that, I don’t belong.

Yesterday’s decision was made without due regard to Presidents Lungu’s and Nawakwi’s pleas for love and unity. Surely all oof you who voted for such dispecable decisions, I wish to pose a question, were these two leaders’ pleas not to mention His Excellence President Edgar Chagwa Lungu’s tears just in vain? Bushe mwapangwa shani mwe bana bakwa Lesa?

Given the a foregoing, I have stepped down from the United Kwacha Alliance Secretary General position with immediate effect so that you may appoint someone with a like mind to yours team.

I will always remember UKA CoP members as well as the AoP members and the general structures and membership for the good you all were to me and hope that we will all be better people when next our paths cross.

God bless us all,

Hon. Lucky Mabenga Mulusa.

Can An Election be Postponed?

O’Brien Kaaba

President Hichilema addressed the National Assembly on 13 September, 2024, and of the many things he discussed, one peripheral issue (and over which the government has shown least interest), has sparked national debate: constitutional reform. His rationalization of constitutional reform premised, inter alia, on the possibility of deferral of scheduled elections seems to have awakened the ghost of the infamous Bill 10. Perhaps this is a good thing as it shows that citizens are awake and would not want to be deceived into believing that narrow, partisan and short-term political interests can ground genuine constitutional reforms.

The debate has particularly centered around the import of article 52(6) of the Constitution. When all the clutter is put aside, the question seems to be, can a scheduled election (in the context of a general election) be deferred beyond the set date of the general election as fixed by article 56 of the Constitution? For ease of reference, article 52(6) provides: “Where a candidate dies, resigns or becomes disqualified in accordance with Article 70, 100 or 153 or a court disqualifies a candidate for corruption or malpractice, after the close of nominations and before the election date, the Electoral Commission shall cancel the election and require the filing of fresh nominations by eligible candidates and elections shall be held within thirty days of the filing of the fresh nominations.” Although the article gives three potential triggers, that is, death, resignation or disqualification, it is resignation that is the centre of controversy because of the ease with which it can be done.

Although the article seems to have caught popular imagination following the presidential speech, it has been the subject of debate for many years for those working in the electoral field and has already generated a sizeable amount of jurisprudence from the Constitutional Court. The concern has always been its potential to trigger uncertainty about when an election can be held, the cost of reprinting ballot papers and concomitant logistics, as well as potential instability if this were to happen at the presidential level where elections are a zero-sum game.

Several cases, trying either to get clarity or to enforce the provision ended up in the Constitutional Court. Initially, the Constitutional Court took a simplistic view and considered even the withdraw of an independent candidate from the race, after filing of nominations, as constituting resignation and hence necessitating the cancellation of an election. 

However, in the case of Governance Elections Advocacy Research Services Initiative Zambia Limited v Attorney General and Electoral Commission of Zambia 2022/CCZ/0020, the Constitutional Court tried to narrow down the scope of the article and water down some uncertainty created by its earlier decisions. It held that a candidate could only withdraw from the election before the close of the nomination period. If a candidate withdraws after nominations, the Electoral Commission was not obligated to cancel the election. This was a significant point in clarifying the law and bringing certainty.

However, as the Court noted, another strand of article 52(6) could still cause the cancellation of an election. That is, where a candidate sponsored by a political party resigns after the close of nominations but before the holding of an election. The Court noted: “For the avoidance of doubt, we wish to state that in terms of Article 52(6) of the Constitution, where a political party sponsored candidate for election as a Member of Parliament resigns after the close of nominations but before the election date, the Electoral Commission is obligated to cancel the election and call for fresh nominations from eligible candidates and call for fresh elections in accordance with Article 52(6).” From the judgment of the Constitutional Court, it is clear that an election can be deferred where a party sponsored candidate resigns. The law does not set any limit of how many times a party sponsored candidate can resign, theoretically leaving the election at the mercy of party candidates.

The concern about article 52(6) from this angle, then, is not just an abstract or speculative issue but has materialized several times, at least at the level of local government and parliamentary elections. Although this has not happened at the presidential level, there is nothing immunizing presidential elections from the potential uncertainty of the clause.

The article has also been the subject of several recommendations for reform by many local and international election observers.

In 2021, for the example, the European Union Election Observation report noted: “If a candidate in any constituency dies, resigns or becomes disqualified before the election date, the ECZ is obliged by law to cancel that election and restart the entire process. This entails uncertainty for the holding of elections and unnecessary additional costs for both candidates and the ECZ.”  To avoid this uncertainty, the EU report recommended amendment of the clause.

Based on article 52(6) of the Constitution and its interpretation by the Constitutional Court, it is clear that the Electoral Commission is under a duty to cancel an election where any of the three circumstances in the clause are met, regardless of the date for the general election.

[The author teaches law at the University of Zambia]

Understanding Hichilema’s ‘threat’ to delay Zambia’s 2026 election

By Sishuwa Sishuwa,
15th September 2024

Guest Diggers
On 13 September 2024, President Hakainde Hichilema addressed parliament in fulfilment of Zambia’s constitution that requires the president to address the National Assembly every year and provide a report on the progress made in the application of the national values and principles. These values and principles are morality and ethics; patriotism and national unity; democracy and constitutionalism; human dignity, equity, social justice, equality and non-discrimination; good governance and integrity; and sustainable development. During his address, Hichilema made a series of revealing and largely off-the-cuff remarks on constitutional reform that are worth quoting at length:

“The country has failed to reach consensus on this very important national document over many years. As a country, therefore, we still need to reform our constitutional order to ensure that it is truly reflecting the aspirations of our citizens. Given the substantial work that has already been done in the past, this government is committed to facilitate a least cost, efficient, and credible process [of constitutional reform] to address lacunae, omissions, or oversights in our constitution. So, we are looking at this House to be supportive of a process that would be least cost, that will be time conscious, that would not lead to allowances and more allowances and sittings and [more] sittings. And this House is the one that should help us. After all, some of your constituencies are too big. After all, I don’t understand the wisdom of how (sic) Members of Parliament were taken out of the Council Chambers. After all, some lacunae can lead us to a situation where we could have no general election for eight years. That is not a joke. Yes, we could have no elections for eight or nine years. Those lacunae sit in the constitution. So, those who designed or signed off that constitution, I am not sure what they were intending to do.”

Many organisations and individuals have since condemned Hichilema’s remarks. Former president Edgar Lungu described the comments as “reckless” and urged Zambians to “wake up and stop this apparent dictator from tampering with our Republican constitution in order to extend his stay in power even when he has lamentably failed to improve the lives of the people.” Several opposition parties accused Hichilema of lacking understanding of the constitution and attempting to distract attention from the real issues that affect ordinary Zambians such as mass hunger, the cost-of-living crisis, and the 21 consecutive hours of load shedding per day.

This condemnation is necessary, but not sufficient. Zambians also need to understand why Hichilema is making such comments. Contrary to what some of his opponents have argued, the president’s implied threats to extend his stay in power were neither random nor a result of ignorance of the law. Hichilema has a proven record of undermining democratic institutions in a crude manner. If Zambians wish to reclaim their democratic institutions and space, they will do well not to underestimate Hichilema and the lengths to which he is prepared to go in his bid for absolute power. His warning that Zambia could have no general election for eight years should be seen as part of his wider strategy to stay in power beyond 2026.

President Hichilema’s remarks were directed at different audiences for different objectives.

Preparing the public’s mind

The first targeted audience was the public. His objective here is to prepare the minds of Zambians to accept both his U-turn on a major policy issue and the changes that his administration plans to make to the national constitution on the understanding that the exercise would be cheap, time efficient, and result in the removal from the constitution of problematic clauses that have been the subject of criticism. A brief discussion of the wider context that preceded Hichilema’s comments is crucial to understanding this point.

Over the past year, some opposition parties and prominent individuals have repeatedly accused the government of scheming to amend the constitution to, among other objectives, extend presidential term limits from five to seven years and remove the requirement that a winning presidential candidate should secure a minimum of ‘50 per cent + 1’ of the total vote. For instance, in October 2023, eleven opposition parties wrote a joint open letter to Hichilema in which they criticised the secretive commencement of the constitution-making process. “We are alarmed that there are secretive efforts aimed at amending the Republican Constitution in which people are being asked to submit recommendations on non-contentious issues”, the letter read in part. It continued: “Given the lack of criteria on what constitutes non-contentious, we do not think that these non-transparent efforts represent the best way of carrying our constitutional reform forward, unless the objective is to remove popular clauses such as that relating to the running mate and the 50+1.”

More recently, in July this year, Lungu, who presided over the 2016 constitutional amendment, repeated these assertions, urging “Zambians to stand up and oppose any arbitrary attempts to defile and rape their Republican constitution… to oppose and stop President Hichilema from taking Zambia back to autocracy and tyranny through these UPND arbitrary schemes to alter our constitution only to suit their agenda.” These allegations prompted President Hichilema to finally respond on 2 August 2024. In a statement issued by his spokesperson, Clayson Hamasaka, Hichilema assured Zambians that he has absolutely no plans to alter the country’s constitution. As well as criticising “the emotive debate and the distorted narrative being peddled by the opposition to the effect that government wants to embark on a secret constitutional review process”, the president vowed that he will “continue to uphold and defend the constitution” and touted his lack of “interest in manipulating it for… personal benefit”.

This reassurance earned Hichilema plaudits from many people including the highly regarded constitutional lawyer John Sangwa. In a letter to the president dated 8 August 2024, Sangwa made profound observations that are worth quoting at length, including the point that successive Zambian governments are addicted to amending the constitution:

“I take this opportunity to commend you for clarifying your position on the allegation that you intend to amend the certain provisions of the Constitution ahead of the 2026 general election. Your statement…that you: (a) ‘swore to uphold and defend the Republican’ (b) ‘remain resolute to defend the constitution’ and (c) ‘have no interest in manipulating it (the Constitution) for his (your) personal benefit’ is commendable. The clarification, coupled with the fact that after nearly three years into your presidency no Bill to amend the constitution has been published, is noteworthy. It represents a radical departure from what we have witnessed in the last sixty years. Since independence in 1964, all your predecessors either initiated or continued the process to make a new constitution or amend the constitution. Their motivation, invariably, was the desire to use the constitution as a political tool to further their personal benefits. They prioritised their interests over those of the Republic. It is laudable that you have so far not succumbed to his temptation.”

Sangwa’s letter continued:

“Any person that seeks the office of President who believes that the fulfilment of his promises to the people, once elected, is dependent on the amendment or making of a new constitution, does not deserve to be re-elected. The promises to the people must be made within the confines of the constitution as it is and not as it ought to be…. Your primary focus, Mr President, should be to address the pressing economic, soc ial, and political challenges facing the Republic. So far, there is no evidence which shows that the Constitution, as it stands, hinders, or undermines your ability to fulfil your campaign promises. Your additional obligation must be to ensure that your commitment to ‘uphold and defend the Republican constitution’ is not just a slogan. You must respect the constitutional limitations on your office and ensure that the Zambians who voted for you and those who did not are: (a) treated equally; (b) afforded the same opportunities” and (c) enjoy the rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution. In short, you must do better than your predecessor.”

This is the wider context within which Hichilema’s latest comments should be understood. By claiming that “we could have no general election for eight years”, Hichilema is both finally confirming that he will, like his predecessors, take to parliament a constitutional amendment bill that would alter the current constitution ahead of the next election. The objective was to announce this major U-turn using the least embarrassing platform and initiate public conversation on his new position using his set agenda: the process that would inform the content, the mobilisation of resources required to undertake the exercise, and the timing.

The reference to ‘the substantial work that has already been done in the past’ constitutes a public disclosure of how Hichilema intends to go about this exercise. He may ask the Minister of Justice to lead the process or appoint a small team of ruling party sympathisers to undertake the amendments using previous reports of constitutional review commissions or identify the so-called non-contentious clauses that must be revised. Both routes may result in the publication of a constitutional amendment bill.

The talk about controlled allowances and sittings is a strategic way of pre-empting public opposition to the exercise on account of the huge costs involved – especially at a time of more pressing national concerns – by suggesting that cost-saving measures will be adopted. The emphasis on efficiency is meant to prevent potential public criticism about the timing: with less than a year and a half remaining before the dissolution of parliament in readiness for the 2026 election, can the exercise be completed in time? Hichilema is suggesting YES because it would be – in his words – time-conscious.

Mobilising Members of Parliament

The second audience Hichilema was speaking to are MPs from the governing UPND, opposition parties led by the Patriotic Front (PF), and the Independents. On this front, he has three objectives.

Firstly, through his comments, Hichilema was effectively encouraging the MPs to imagine an impossible scenario where a general election is repeatedly postponed for eight or nine years. To avert such a scenario, the president was pleading with MPs to support his planned changes to the constitution in order to ‘straighten’ specific provisions that currently require the cancellation of an election whenever a validly nominated candidate resigns from the race before the date of the election.

Here, it is important to briefly discuss the three grounds on which an election can be postponed: death, resignation, or disqualification by court. Article 52 (6) of Zambia’s constitution provides that “Where a candidate dies, resigns or becomes disqualified in accordance with Article 70, 100 or 153 or a court disqualifies a candidate for corruption or malpractice, after the close of nominations and before the election date, the Electoral Commission shall cancel the election and require the filing of fresh nominations by eligible candidates and elections shall be held within thirty days of the filing of the fresh nominations.”

In June 2023, the Constitutional Court ruled – in the case of GEARS Initiative Zambia Limited v Electoral Commission of Zambia and the Attorney General – that although this provision does not apply to an independent candidate, the ECZ is obligated to cancel the election in instances where the candidate who has died, resigned, or been disqualified after the close of nominations but before the election date was sponsored by a political party. This, the court added, is meant to ensure that the affected political party is not disadvantaged by circumstances beyond its control. To avoid misinterpreting what the Concourt said, it is worth quoting its ruling at length:

“When a political party’s candidate resigns from the political party [that sponsored their nomination for election to a given office], that candidate’s nomination is invalidated as the candidate can no longer represent that political party in that election. The political party therefor must be given another opportunity to field another candidate for the election which is why the ECZ is required to cancel the nominations and call for fresh nominations from eligible candidates before the election can be held in terms of Article 52 (6) of the Constitution… For the avoidance of doubt, we wish to state that in terms of Article 52(6) of the Constitution, where a political party sponsored candidate for election as a Member of Parliament resigns after the close of nominations but before the election date, the Electoral Commission is obligated to cancel the election and call for fresh nominations from eligible candidates and call for fresh elections in accordance with Article 52(6).”

The implication of this judgement is that a general election cannot be postponed on account of the resignation, death, or disqualification of one candidate – even if sponsored by a party – who had been validly nominated for election to any public office. Article 266 of Zambia’s constitution provides that “general election” means “Presidential, National Assembly and local government elections when held on the same day”. The Constitution also states that “A general election shall be held, every five years after the last general election, on the second Thursday of August.” This means that if a parliamentary candidate dies, is disqualified, or resigns from the political party that sponsored them to parliament after the close of nominations but before the election date, what would be postponed is only the election in the affected constituency. All other elections – presidential, national assembly and local government – will proceed.

Similarly, if a presidential candidate died, is disqualified, or resigns from the political party that sponsored them to parliament after the close of nominations but before the election date, what would be postponed is only the presidential election, not the parliamentary or ward elections. Even then, the cancellation of presidential election itself would be followed by the filing of fresh nominations by eligible candidates and the holding of a new election within the next 30 days.

Triggering the postponement of the general election after the close of nominations but before the election date would require the death, resignation, or disqualification of a presidential candidate AND at least one candidate sponsored by a political party in ALL the parliamentary constituencies and ALL the wards in Zambia. The prospect of this calamity happening, let alone for eight years, is exceedingly remote. By asking MPs to support his planned constitutional changes using the threat that failure to do so could delay the general election for as long as eight years, Hichilema is demonstrating his desperation to change the constitution. The question is: what is in it for him? The simple answer is EVERYTHING. As well as lacking the capacity to manage the magnitude of the national challenges that confront him, Hichilema is realising that he is unlikely to fulfil his campaign promises and secure re-election on merit. As a result, he seems to have decided that the surest way of guaranteeing his stay in power is by manipulating the constitution to secure political advantage. If he was confident of delivering his promises, he would not be making the kind of desperate manoe uvres he has now resorted to.

In any case, Hichilema’s opposition to Article 52 (6) demonstrates his opportunism or inability to stick to one position. In opposition, the UPND leader supported the very constitutional provision he is now opposing, stating in early 2021 that Article 52 (6) is ‘in good faith’: “That article protects citizens from having a president who is an imposter, who does not qualify. That article is in good faith. If the election is postponed for 30 days to remove an imposter from the ballot paper, [that is] perfect. 30 days is fine for me. If 30 days are a price (sic) we have to pay in order for the people of Zambia to get a leadership that will…end violence, corruption, a leadership that will bring credibility and restore the Kwacha, stop people [from] sleep[ing] without food, 30 days is a good price to pay.”

What exactly does Hichilema believe in? How has the same constitutional provision that he previously defended as a necessary check become problematic today? Moreover, even his attempt to blame his predecessor for the passage of the 2016 constitutional amendment represents a needless attempt to apportion blame and escape responsibility. This is because the amendment was a bi-partisan affair that was supported by both PF and UPND MPs. Without the support of MPs from Hichilema’s party, the 2016 amendment could not have passed. In fact, Hichilema’s assertion that Zambians have previously “failed to reach consensus on this very important national document over many years” is incorrect. Both the 1991 and 2016 constitutional amendments were products of consensus.

In 1991, for instance, the ruling United National Independence Party and the opposition Movement for Multiparty Democracy came together to produce a constitution that was meant to facilitate the holding of the elections. Both parties reached a general agreement that after the election, they would work on a new constitution-making exercise, which is how the John Mwanakatwe Commission came about. However, after former president Kenneth Kaunda returned to active politics in early 1995, the MMD abandoned the agreement and settled for an amendment to the constitution that excluded Kaunda from running for office. After Levy Mwanawasa came to power in 2002, he attempted to complete the constitution-making exercise by appointing the Willa Mung’omba Constitution Review Commission.

Unfortunately, Mwanawasa died in office and his successor, Rupiah Banda, botched the process. When Michael Sata came to power in 2011, he attempted to complete the exercise by appointing the Annel Silungwe Technical Committee, whose draft constitution provided the basis on which the PF and the UPND reached consensus to pass the 2016 constitutional changes that were a product of wider public assemblies at district, provincial and national levels. Hichilema will do well to acquaint himself with the accurate history of constitution making in Zambia.

Secondly, Hichilema’s speech seems intended to use bribery to secure the support of MPs who may be unconvinced by his scaremongering prediction. To pass in Zambia’s 167-member National Assembly, the planned constitutional amendment bill would require at least two-thirds support (at least 111 MPs). This is a tall order given the current composition of party representation in parliament.

The UPND has 93 MPs – 85 directly elected and 8 nominated ones. The main opposition PF has 58 MPs. There are 13 independent lawmakers, seven of whom are working closely with Hichilema. Even with the combined support of all UPND MPs, most independents, the deputy speaker (the Speaker cannot vote) and the one MP belonging to a small opposition party that tends to support the ruling party, Hichilema would still require the backing of several PF MPs. To induce these legislators to support the bill, Hichilema has dangled a carrot in front of them by promising to deliver three specific changes – delimitat

Guy Scott – Sata wanted to Fire Me for Chenda!
By Dickson Jere

A Book Review
Title:  Adventures In Zambian Politics – A story in Black and White
Author: Guy Scott
Number of Pages: 251
Publisher: Lynne Reiner Publishers Inc
Price: ZMK450 (Hard Cover)
Year: 2019

It is probably the first book that discloses the sickness of Zambia’s fifth President Michael Chilufya Sata and the political shenanigans that took place behind closed doors. Guy Scott, a putative close friend of Sata, takes the reader inside the presidential bedroom where he found Sata very sick and bedridden and yet the nation, including himself as Vice President, was not told.

“I  plonked myself down in Micheal’s darkened bedroom and tried to tell him the truth,” writes Scott without holding back the details.

“As soon as it was clear that I wanted to discuss his condition, he was livid and demanded to know what my sources were,” Scott writes, adding that Sata had stopped attending meetings and other state functions due to sickness.

The former Veep goes on to touch the controversial topic of succession which he said started long before Sata died. He talked of how Justice Minister and PF Secretary General Wynter Kabimba was fired on “fraudulent” emails that linked him to a plot to oust Sata due to sickness. And then Scott himself was implicated in another lie that he was celebrating Sata’s sickness.

“He (Sata) told me that my enemies had reported that I had been celebrating with others, drinking champagne in anticipation of his death,” he writes, adding that servants were even sent by Sata to look for empty champagne bottles in the bins to prove the allegations.
“Two empty bottles of champagne were duly produced,” he said.

Guy Scott then discloses that while Sata was very sick, he had planned to replace him with Hon. Emmanuel Chenda – then Local Government Minister and Sata ally.
“A few days after his scrap with me in his bedroom, he arrived somewhat unexpectedly at a meeting at State House,” Scott remembers as he described the looks of Sata that day.

“His face was discolored around his mouth and his walk was a mixture of stagger and slide. We stared at him as if he was a stranger; worse still, he stared at us in the same way”.

He said Sata turned directly to him and told him he was going to fire him and appoint Emmanuel Chenda to his position. Guy went further and writes:
“There was an immediate ruckus, with his announcement disturbing greatly the people who had been anticipating Micheal’s demise…”
Scott is not naming the people but he would rather refer to “them”.

He said the plan to appoint Chenda was thwarted when the “people” whom he did not name realized that Chenda would be difficult to control as Vice President and possible successor.

“They really didn’t want Emmanuel Chenda, as his grip may have been too much more tenacious. There was a sudden outbreak of fake cries that ‘we want Guy’ designed to torpedo Chenda, Oh bullshitters! “ Scott writes.

By the way, this succession scene can also be re-played to 2008 when President Levy Mwanawasa died and some “people” tried to peddle similar sentiments that Vice President Rupiah Banda was about to be sacked and replaced by Finance Minister Ngandu Magande if the President had returned from hospital.

The “Muzungu” has published copy of Sata’s Death Certificate in his book, which he claim is readily available in the UK for a fee. He said he only knew of Sata death around 1:00 AM when his aide de camp (ADC) woke him up. He had “carelessly” left his mobile phone on silent when security knocked to disturb his sleep.
“The President is dead, Your Excellency,” his ADC is quoted to have told him.
“I became acting President when I was fast asleep, I found out about it perhaps thirty minutes later,” Scott discloses.

And then enter the drama with Attorney General giving him a call to alert him that he was now acting President by virtue of the Constitution of Zambia and that the process was going to be unseemly.
…
An extract from the book.

PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT PROGRESSIVE – CHABINGA

MAFINGA Member of Parliament Robert Chabinga has described as progressive President Hakainde Hichilema’s speech  delivered during the opening of the 4th session of Parliament.

Mr Chabinga says President Hichilema’s speech covered critical aspects that are responding positively towards mitigating various challenges that the country is facing.

Speaking to the Zambia News and Information Services (ZANIS) in Mafinga over the weekend, Mr Chabinga stated that Mr. Hichilema gave hope to Zambians of increased development amidst  the social-economic challenges that the country is going through especially in the energy sector.

He noted that the President underscored the importance of addressing the challenges in a methodical manner in order to come up with sustainable solutions amidst the drought crisis caused by the adverse effects of climate change.

“The Presidential address gave a lot of insight and challenged us Parliamentarians in the effective use of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) and implored us to ensure that the fund is used for the intended purpose of poverty reduction,” he added.

During his official opening of the fourth session of the thirteenth national Assembly, President Hichilema pledged  to continue resuscitating the economy despite the impact of drought.

Mr Chabinga, who is also the leader of the opposition in Parliament, further noted that the Head of State announced that another batch of 4,000 health workers will be recruited before the end of 2024 in an effort to increase the human resource of medical practitioners in the health sector.

Mr Chabinga acknowledged that the pronouncement is highly commendable, stressing that he is optimistic that Mafinga district which has two modern hospitals will benefit from the recruitment exercise.

However, he appealed to the government to exhibit professionalism during the recruiting exercise by ensuring that qualified applicants from within the district were considered.

Meanwhile, the Mafinga lawmaker advised the government to actualise the open access of the use of the Tanzania-Zambia Mafuta (TAZAMA) pipeline to help counter the problem of high fuel pump prices.

He charged that the actualisation of accessibility of the pipeline will be a significant milestone in mitigating the high fuel prices, especially for rural areas like Mafinga that purchase the commodity from Isoka district at a higher price.

“We cannot have a few greedy individuals who are using that pipeline to sabotage the country. This is very unacceptable and we need to quickly address this issue,” he said.

He further commended President Hichilema for the strides he has been making towards the uplifting of the living standards of people through his development oriented approach.

ZICTA RELEASES THE 2024 MID-YEAR MARKET REPORT HIGHLIGHTING A CONTINUED POSITIVE GROWTH TRAJECTORY IN 2024

Lusaka… Tuesday September 17, 2024

The Zambia Information and Communications Technology Authority (Authority) has published its 2024 Mid-Year Market Report, highlighting significant growth and
developments in the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) sector.

The report outlines notable progress and advancements across various industry segments.

Some of the key features from the report are outlined below:

a) Subscriber Growth: Active mobile cellular subscriptions reached 21.9 million by mid-2024, an 8.9% increase from 20.0 million in mid-2023. Internet subscriptions also saw significant growth, rising 10.2% to 12.6 million from the previous year. These improvements are attributed to expanded coverage and growing interest in digital platforms such as mobile money and social media.

b) Mobile Money Expansion: Mobile money services saw remarkable growth, with transaction values increasing by 12% to ZMW222.8 billion from ZMW199.5 billion, and transaction volumes rising by 44% to 1.4 billion from 976 million between mid 2023 and mid 2024.

c) Increased Licensing: The number of valid ICT licenses grew from 89 to 93, while postal and courier licenses increased by 28% from 88 to 113 over the same period. This growth is largely attributed to the 55% reduction in the license fees for postal and courier services as well as the overall favourable investment climate in the sector.

d) Infrastructure Developments: ZICTA’s Universal Access and Service Fund (UASF) initiated the construction of 51 new telecommunication towers and the relocation of 40 existing ones. Operators also made significant investment in 5G infrastructure.

e) Usage and Revenue Trends: Domestic and international call traffic showed modest growth, while data usage decreased slightly by 4%. However, overall sector revenues grew to ZMW 2.5 billion, with data revenues contributing 46.3% of the total revenue.

Outlook for the Second Half of 2024

The ICT sector is expected to maintain its growth trajectory, driven by continued infrastructure investments and the government’s digital transformation agenda.

Some of the key regulatory initiatives that are expected to conclude in the second half of
2024 include the development of a national postcode system and a cost-of-service study for equitable wholesale access arrangements.

However, challenges such as electricity load shedding and exchange rate pressures may impact pricing, adoption, and utilisation rates.

For more details, please refer to the full report available on:

https://www.zicta.zm/media/publications.

Issued By:
Hanford Chaaba (Mr.)
Manager Corporate Communications

By Amb. Emmanuel Mwamba

SCANDAL; $35million Advance Payment against Future Power Purchase Agreement at ZESCO

Lusaka- Monday, 16th September, 2024

A company from Dubai, Petrodex Trading, is seeking a bulk supplier agreement with ZESCO to evacuate power to the Democratic Republic of Congo.

ZESCO has already granted it 30 megawatts and it is already trading the power using some named local energy company.

But the deal to buy power and export power to the DRC, has failed both the security clearance and legal basis as both the national security and Attorney General, Mulilo Kabesha have rejected the deal.

Proprietor of Petrodex, french-lebanese national, Rami Ghaziri, is a convict and has been indicted in various jurisdictions for money-laundering and fraud.

Petrodex, says that it strives to become a leading distributor, operator, and trading company for energy products and raw and processed material.

The company says above the 30 megawatts its exporting to the DRC, it seeks more 90 megawatts, by December 2024.

Petrodex has offered ZESCO cash advance of $35 million, provided ZESCO could commit and sign another 90 megawatts, and the company is seeking concessional tariff rates.

“Following our meeting  on 22 August 2024 regarding the same subject, where ZESCO highlighted the challenges to agree on our proposal dated 19 August 2024 (proposal attached), we have revised the structure
that aligns better with ZESCO’s vision and its urgent requirement for additional funds to sustain its cash flow.”

“We are willing and ready to advance a pre-payment of $35 million, provided ZESCO can commit to dispatch a total additional capacity of 90MW, over and above our current off-take of 30MW, to be evacuated to the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)”.

“This commitment follows the principles outlined below:
1. Ramp-Up of Power Capacity: Taking into account our current offtake capacity of 30MW into DRC, the power capacity will be gradually increased, from January to May 2025 as follows:
● Till end of December 2024: 30MW (current offtake)
● January 2025: 80MW

● February 2025:90MW

● March 2025:100MW

● April 2025: 110MW
● May 2025:120MW

2. Temporary Discount: Until ZESCO reaches the dispatching of the full additional 90MW capacity for export to DRC to which Petrodex would have already advance $35 million, we request a temporary discount on the ongoing power flow.

The proposed discount structure is as follows:

● $0.02 per kWh discount
● September 2024- April 2025:

● May 2025 onwards: No discount applicable as long as ZESCO would be dispatching the full additional capacity of 90MW

However the Attorney General Mulilo Kabesha has rejected the term sheet submitted by ZESCO and Petrodex, citing various irregularities and informing the Managing Director, Victor Mapani of the urgent need to involve the Minister of Finance as this deal was a breach of the Public Finance Management Act and amounted to accumulating debt and offering discounts for a state-owned enterprise on behalf of the country.

When Petrodex Trading was taken for security clearance, the proprietor French-Lebanese businessman Rami Ghaziri, failed the test lamentably as he is a former convict and he is wanted in various jurisdictions for money laundering and fraud charges.

The Romania’s National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA) indicted French-Lebanese businessman Rami Ghaziri, the owner of the Romanian poultry producer Agroli Group, and nine other defendants, most of them Syrian or Lebanese nationals, on multiple counts of tax evasion, money laundering, and setting up an organized crime group.

The ten defendants allegedly caused the Romanian state a damage of EUR 25 million, according to the prosecutors.

Rami Ghaziri has been referred to by the local media as “the chicken king” as his group is one of the biggest poultry producers in Romania. The Agroli group controls Avicola Crevedia, Romania’s first poultry farm opened in 1959, Avicola Tartasesti, and a fodder factory.

The DNA has indicted Ghaziri has indicted for creating a criminal group, tax evasion, and money laundering.

The French businessman was also in prison serving a sentence in another case. He was convicted to three years in prison on June 15, in 2016, for buying influence from former Romanian prosecutor Angela Nicolae. He was found guilty for paying Nicolae to help him dodge prosecution for tax evasion.

In the case that was recently sent to court, Ghaziri had been investigated for setting up two organized crime groups together with the other defendants, between July 2010 and August 2012, according to DNA.

The defendants used a chain of ghost companies, creating a damage of over RON 107 million (EUR 25 million) to the state budget, according to the prosecutors.

Between September 2010 and October 2012, Rami Ghaziri, together with the other defendants, submitted 54 requests for VAT reimbursement or compensation based on fictitious transactions.

They received EUR 19 million.

In 2012, the defendants Zayed, Alzaid, Moubarak and Chraif signed a contract for selling a plot of 42,000 sqm at an overvalued price for concealing the true origin of the money resulted from tax evasion. They sold the land to a company managed by Rami Ghaziri.

The DNA prosecutors seized the properties belonging to two companies owned by Rami Ghaziri.

They also blocked the shares owned by Ghaziri and Kharrat in several companies.

The French businessman was in prison serving a sentence in another case. He was convicted to three years in prison on June 15, 2016, for buying influence from former Romanian prosecutor Angela Nicolae. He was found guilty for paying Nicolae to help him dodge prosecution.

No, no, Sean Tembo; ECL and HH are Zambia’s worst presidents ever: Zambians must emphatically reject both of them and never, ever, put either of them into power, again!



By Azwell Banda,



History has no reverse gears.

A leopard does not change its spots. Sean Tembo, president of Patriots for Economic Progress (PeP) now believes returning Edgar Chagwa Lungu (ECL) of the Patriotic Front (PF) back into power would be in the best interest of the nation. I beg to differ, most strongly. I find no better rebuttal to Sean Tembo’s extremely erroneous and very dangerous views than what I said on 5th April this year, on this column. I repeat, almost word for word, what I said on 5th April, below:

It gives me nightmares when I imagine Edgar Chagwa Lungu (ECL) of the Patriotic Front (PF) being elected president of Zambia, again. Hakainde Hichilema (HH) and the United Party for National Development (UPND) horrify me when I imagine how much destruction, mass poverty, deaths and foreign ownership and control of our natural resources they will have done to Zambia, even just in five years. Worse still, the possibility that these two – HH and ECL – embodiments of the most undemocratic, constitutional delinquency, criminal rule, authoritarianism, lies, corruption, fraud politicians of Zambia may somehow unite sends shivers down my spine.

Perfect political conditions have been created by lying Hakainde Hichilema and his hopeless, conceited and corrupt foreign-masters micro-managed UPND to politically launder ECL, and in the short space of less than three years, they have made ECL a real possible successor of Hakainde Hichilema. HH and the UPND humiliate all right-thinking Zambians whenever they remember how they were duped by the sanctimonious, fake “superior” logic, pretended advanced technocratic and fake democratic credential of HH and the UPND.

Nothing best confirms how rotten and expired our political system has become, 60 years after independence, than that a man and his party – Hakainde Hichilema and the UPND – who campaigned to undo almost everything that was wrong under the tyranny of the Patriotic Front (PF) in government have so successfully engineered conditions in which many Zambians now, concretely, suffer more than they did under the PF, and, like all such suffering people historically, now yearn even for the dark days of Edgar Chagwa Lungu and his abominable Patriotic Front. At least there was some food, then.

It is not meant to be like this: we are a natural resource rich country saddled with a disastrous political system designed and maintained to keep us chained to backwardness and poverty. Our post-independence economic and political systems have complexly expired: they cannot guarantee the majority of us the barest minimum to stay alive. Among other things, they no longer can guarantee the majority of us food, water, rent, electricity, transport, medicines and, yes, physical security from criminals! They are producing orphans more than they are multiplying jobs. They are condemning our youths who are the majority of Zambians to alcohol and drug abuse and addictions. They are turning millions of our young people into junkies. They have ruined even our already impoverished rural life. They are destroying our forests and natural environments by the need for charcoal for energy, among other causes.

Zambia is now faced with the possibility of returning or recycling political junk, in government. Or descend into outright national political anarchy, chaos and violence. This is because we, as a country and a people, are refusing to acknowledge that our post-colonial fake economy and its neo-colonial political system have both expired, and can now onwards only lead to national anarchy, chaos and violence. Any country whose government was formed after a party that had been in opposition, consistently, for more than two decades wins elections by a margin as large as the UPND did in August 2021 only to politically launder and make possible the return of the worst political tyrant the country has ever hard in its independence era barely three years thereafter has economic and political systems which are rotten to the core, and fit only for the dustbin of history. We can, and we must, imagine, vision and create a different country for ourselves, from the one we currently live in!  

To be clear, it is not that our political elites are uniquely born evil, or are any different from any of us. When in the opposition, some do even manage to convince themselves that they do believe they can contribute to solving many of our life and death problems and challenges. Our political elites after all, are also products of our rotten Zambian neo-colonial economy and society from whence we all come: they truly are our “representatives”.

Our political elites, including our “freedom fighters” have, since independence, only sustained us as a country and a people, in varying degrees as a neo-colony, as a country whose economy and politics are controlled by outside forces, including by our former colonial masters, the racist British. Sixty years after 1964, it is patently clear that our “independence” was only a facade to mask the continued economic and political domination by foreign powers over us, now using their local proxies: our political elites. Consistently, for 60 years now, our political elites have served the interests of imperialism rather than those of the majority of the people of Zambia. HH and the UPND are unique in that they do not hide all this: they openly and proudly serve the interests of our foreign masters.

Our native African colonial elites, and their post-colonial progeny, are generally drawn from the same class background as the former colonial rulers, they share the same religion and colonial cultural practices including language, have the same social and material interests as their colonial masters and therefore have a vested interest in maintaining and perpetuating the economic and political systems of exploitation inherited from colonialism. Being economically and financially weak, they are chronically dependent on foreign economic powers and our former colonial master.

Our colonial and post-colonial native African political elites, rather than dismantling the colonial class hierarchies colonial capitalism and imperialism created among us, consciously and unconsciously consolidate and reinforce them: for their survival; like our colonial masters, they need the bulk of us ignorant, poorly educated or completely illiterate, underfed or starving, unhealthy and so on, therefore thoroughly very fearful of them, politically weak, and therefore unable to challenge their authoritarian and undemocratic political dominance over us. For 60 years now, these political elites have entrenched themselves in positions of power and privilege while the majority of Zambians are hungry, unemployed, impoverished and marginalised.

More than any other political elites after our independence, HH and the UPND have contemptuously betrayed the ideals of our national liberation struggles by openly aligning themselves with foreign interests and perpetuating practices of oppression and exploitation similar to those under colonial rule: internally, the UPND has treated its opposition no different from how the colonial government treated our “freedom fighters” using the police and the public order colonial law.

That 60 years after our independence, today, six million Zambians face acute hunger and 80 per cent of our rural population are trapped in severe poverty is proof that our political colonial elites since independence have miserably failed to bring about genuine social change or address the underlying structures of inequality and injustice in Zambia. Instead, they all have betrayed our independence dream of a country free from poverty. They have maintained the colonial status quo of the majority of Zambians: chained to their poverty.

Precisely because our political elites are products of, and mimic our colonial masters, rather than promoting our national economic independence, self-sufficiency and development, they have maintained dependency on global capitalism. Without fail, apart from the ineffectual Kaunda period, they all prioritise the interests of multinational corporations and international financial institutions over the needs of the majority of Zambians.

HH and the UPND are merely using the political textbook of tyranny from which ECL and the PF read: their contempt and disrespect for Zambians (they lie even when there is no need to do so) and their suppression of dissent and the opposition to maintain their grip on power are all from the political toolkit of our colonial masters. Both HH and ECL have deep contempt for democracy and elections, know how to use political violence, and how to deploy the police against their rivals. We now know the UPND better, now that they are in government. 

Whether it is the Russians, Chinese, the US and the West, our political elites favour the plundering of national resources by foreign corporations and governments, while betraying the sovereignty and interests of Zambia, for personal gain and international favour. All of them have demonstrated a lack of faith and trust in the masses of Zambia capable of being their own liberators, economically and politically. In this, our political elites have ready support from our “educated Zambians” and “professionals” especially those educated in Western institutions and imbued with Western liberalism: these perpetuate and enforce mass consent of Western cultural, social, political and economic hegemony among us. They  promote Western values and norms among us at the expense of our struggle to free ourselves from the mental bondage of both colonialism and neo-colonialism.

As the hunger disaster and cholera epidemic were gathering pace, it is none other than the UPND Minister of Finance Situmbeko Musokotwane who argued that actually life in rural areas was better, as rural Zambians ate what they made and were not bothered about the rising prices of goods in urban areas, especially now that education was “free”! Having failed to address the inherited colonial structural injustices such as economic inequalities and foreign ownership of our strategic economic sectors, unequal access to resources, lack of social services, mass hunger, unemployment and poverty, all our political elites, upon assuming government office prioritise actions that benefit themselves and their allies, while exacerbating social divisions such as tribalism, and inequalities.

It is the possibility for the first time in our post-independence era, of returning into government a qualified dictator and tribalist, because a confirmed tribalist, liar and corrupt puppet of foreign powers has worsened our national mass hunger, unemployment, poverty and social, economic and political inequalities, barely three years upon forming government, that best confirms how rotten and expired are our post-colonial economy and political systems. It is time to think hard and imagine, vision and fight to create for ourselves an economic system fit for our true political emancipation. The real alternative is our inevitable descent into mass chaos, anarchy and violence.

It is wrong to think that Zambians are unthinking, unfeeling morons without a conscience and memory. Zambia has hundreds of thousands of men and women extremely capable of taking us beyond the corruption, looting, oppression, exploitation, suffering, pain and sorrow both faulty and extremely flawed ECL and HH have unleashed upon us. We only need to identify such a person, now, not in 2026. Edgar Chagwa Lungu and Hakainde Hichilema are not that person.



Send comments to: kalindawalo2010@gmail.com

We wish your presidency began earlier than 2021, Chiefs tell Hichilema

CHIEFS on the Copperbelt have commended President Hakainde Hichilema’s unifying leadership, wishing his presidency had commenced earlier than 2021.

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/t4QaxoKK1UpjnGfE/?mibextid=oFDknk

The traditional leadership on the copper-rich province have also acknowledged President Hichilema’s strides in handling the challenges resulting from the historic drought.

In acknowledging the support of the traditional leadership, President Hichilema said God allowed him to be Head of State at such a critical moment because his grace was sufficient to enable the country go through the challenges.

Speaking on behalf of 52 traditional leaders from across the country who were attending the Katanino traditional ceremony of the Lamba people of Masaiti, Chief Machiya thanked President Hichilema for revamping the mines on the Copperbelt.

“Your Excellency we want to thank you for uniting the country and brining us together. You (President Hichilema) have been preaching unity. How we wish you were President earlier than 2021, this country would have been at another level.

“On behalf of the Chiefs and people of the Copperbelt we want to thank you for facilitating the works on the Ndola – Lusaka dual carriage way. We thank you Mr. President for revamping the mines, Mopani Copper Mines and Konkola Copper Mines including 28 Shaft,” he said.

And speaking during the the courtesy visit on the traditional leaders before he attended the Katanino ceremony, President Hichilema thanked the 52 traditional leaders for positively responding to his call for national unity.

President Hichilema said the presence of the 52 traditional leaders was testament that the Chiefs were keen on uniting the country in line with the one Zambia One Nation.

The Head of State reiterated that the country can only develop if there is unity.

“There is only one route to development. We can only develop as a nation is we are united,” he said.

President Hichilema said the new Dawn UPND government was committed to deliver development to all the parts of the country.

The President said government was committed to address the challenges that have been occassioned by the drought such as the energy crisis and food deficits.

The President said the government was committed to distribute food to the 84 districts that have been severely affected by the drought.

The Head of State has called on traditional leaders to encourage their subjects to continue to grow more food in their chiefdoms.

“Let us utilise our resources to defeat hunger. If each province, district and chiefdom produces food, the country will be food secure,” he said.

He said the Government will continue to support the traditional leaders including by building them palaces.

The Head of State however expressed concern at the slow pace the palaces were being constructed.

He has since directed Local Government and Rural Development, Minister Garry Nkombo to expedite the process of building the palaces.

President Hichilema is in Masaiti attending the Katanino traditional ceremony of the Lamba speaking people in Chief Nkambo’s area.

Kalemba September 16, 2024

MUNIR ZULU HAS A RIGHT TO OFFER CHECKS AND BALANCES, COURT TOLD

September 16, 2024…Lusaka

The Lusaka Magistrates’ Court has heard that a Member of Parliament has a duty to offer checks and balances to the sitting government.

Chief Resident Magistrate Davies Chibwili heard this during cross examination in a case where Lumezi Independent Member of Parliament Munir Zulu is accused of three count of libel against Finance Minister Situmbeko Musokotowane, Infrastructure Minister Charles Milupi and Road Development Agency Board Chairperson Mulchand Kuntawala.

When the matter came up last Thursday the witness on stand Detective Chief Inspector Michael Lishebo was asked if he was aware that the Lawmaker has a duty to give checks and balances and he answered in affirmative.

It was in this same court when the defense Counsel Botha Nkula reminded the arresting officer Lishebo, 45 that as a Member of Parliament Zulu enjoys prosecution when expression made is within the boundaries of Parliament.

Lishebo was asked “Do you know where the press conference was held”?, No your honour!, he responded.

Did you find out during your investigations from journalist where it was held? No your honour-witness responded.

It was also heard in court that the arresting officer Detective Lishebo arrested Lumezi lawmaker Munir Zulu  before he investigated the matter.

When did you say you detained Zulu? Defence Counsel Botha asked.

I detained him on 27th March 2023 after 4 PM. Witness responded

What offence did you arrested him for? Bota questioned.

Nothing! Witness responded.

So you detained him unlawfully?

No your honour, witness responded.

Who sent you to arrest him? Are you the law abiding officer? Yes Your honour

Which provision of the law?

Your honour am not an expert of law, witness responded.

Is there anything to show that you had a formal interview with the accused?

No your honour! he responded.

In first count it is alleged that Zulu claimed  Dr Musokotwane corruptly received $ 250,000 through a bank transfer from undisclosed company.

In second count it is alleged that he claimed that Eng Milupi received $250 000 corruptly through bank transfer from undisclosed company and in the third count it is alleged that RDA board chairperson Eng Kuntawala transfered $150,000 through bank transfer to Eng Milupi.

The matter has been closed without nd  two complainants appearing before court that is Milupi and Musokotwane.  Magistrate Chibwili has set October 28,2024 as the date for ruling.

SOCIALIST PARTY URGES RESILIENCE AMID CHALLENGES

….as M’membe claims victory at the 2nd National Congress, marking a new direction for leadership.

Lusaka… Monday, September 16, 2024

The Socialist Party in Zambia has called for resilience and hope among its members as the nation grapples with economic hardships.

Dr. Fred M’membe’s election as the party leader, reaffirmed the party’s commitment to addressing economic injustice, poverty, and the mistreatment of the working class.

At the 2nd National Congress, Raphael Chiposwa being the returning officer, announced Dr. M’membe’s election as party president.

Dr. M’membe’s uncontested victory highlighted strong confidence in his leadership, and the announcement was met with enthusiastic applause from the delegates.

Meanwhile, party General Secretary Dr. Cosmas Musumali detailed key decisions from the conference, including the restructuring of leadership roles.

Notably, two Deputy General Secretary positions were introduced for election with Faston Mwale as Deputy General Secretary for Politics and Maximo Mutambo as Deputy General Secretary for Administration.

Other key elected officials included Dr. Chris Mwikisa as General Treasurer, Akende Chunduma as Secretary for Elections and International Relations, Kelvin Kaunda as Secretary for Mobilization and Gilbert Mumba as Secretary for Security.

Dr. M’membe expressed his gratitude to the party Congress for their trust and support.

“This position is not for personal ambition. We are here with a single purpose: to serve our country effectively,” he stated.

He emphasized that the leadership is driven by a commitment to the Zambian people, not personal gain.

Dr. M’membe reaffirmed his dedication to the party’s goals and stressed the importance of learning from past mistakes to better serve the nation.

He reiterated that the Socialist Party’s core objectives—combating economic exploitation, poverty, and mistreatment—have remained unchanged since the party’s inception in September 2019.

Despite current economic challenges such as rising living costs and difficulties accessing essential resources, the party’s mission remains steadfast.

Dr. M’membe highlighted the need for ethical leadership and the importance of addressing past errors.

Advocating for a revolutionary approach to Zambia’s politics, Dr. M’membe called for a departure from outdated methods.

He emphasized the need for both material and spiritual improvements in people’s lives and urged unity across traditional, religious, and professional sectors to enhance governance and community empowerment.

In his closing remarks, Dr. M’membe urged for leadership based on compassion, unity, and discipline. “With God’s grace and love, we will prevail,” he declared, encouraging party members to remain hopeful and committed despite ongoing challenges.

On international matters, Dr. M’membe expressed support for Venezuela’s elections while condemning U.S. interference.

He addressed the Ukraine-Russia conflict, criticizing NATO’s expansion and U.S. involvement as factors exacerbating the crisis, and called for diplomacy and negotiations to resolve the situation.

Domestically, Dr. M’membe acknowledged Zambia’s economic difficulties but urged perseverance and collective effort to overcome them.

He reassured that the Socialist Party would continue to fight for the nation’s economic and social well-being.

The conference concluded with Dr. M’membe’s call for ethical and compassionate leadership.

Delegates left with renewed optimism, confident in the direction of the party under his leadership.

Dr. Musumali also praised Dr. M’membe’s resilience and commitment, noting the challenges he has faced, including past arrests.

He emphasized the importance of having a leader who genuinely understands and serves the needs of the people.

“Dr. M’membe’s election signifies a renewed confidence in his ability to lead and serve effectively,” Dr. Musumali concluded.
Credit: zambia24

NEPAL APPEALS FOR TECHNICAL SUPPORT IN MINING FROM ZAMBIA

MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 2024

KATHMANDU, NEPAL – The Government of Nepal has appealed for technical support in the mining sector from Zambia as it transitions from small to full scale mining.

Speaking in Kathmandu on Friday last week during a meeting with Zambia High Commissioner to India, Mr. Percy P. Chanda, Nepal’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Hon. Arzu Rana Deuba, said while Nepal is doing well in sectors such as tourism and agriculture, the country was now shifting its attention to mining.

Ms. Deuba said the Government of Nepal has recognized Zambia as one of the countries in the Global South from which it can learn best practices owing to the African country’s vast experience as it has been mining for a long time.

She said it is only through the technical support of countries like Zambia that Nepal could navigate the mining terrain and obtain value from its natural resources such as copper and uranium, adding that her country is willing to engage experts from Zambia to facilitate skills transfer to Nepal.
And speaking in a separate meeting, Minister of Industry, Commerce and Supplies Honourable Damodar Bhandari called for closer collaboration between the two countries.

Mr. Bhandari said the Nepalese Government intends to reform the mining sector, aiming to create a more conducive environment for investment and exploration.

He says the Government recognizes the need for capacity building in the mining sector, including training for regulatory bodies and enhancing the skills of local miners and that this is the reason Nepal is looking to Zambia for support in both crafting the regulatory framework and capacity building due to its vast experience in the sector.

Meanwhile, H.E Mr. Chanda assured the two Ministers that Zambia is ready to help Nepal on its request to facilitate capacity building and put in place a regulatory framework which conforms to international requirements.

He said Zambia has experts grounded in mining practices and regulations adding that these will be key in helping Nepal actualize its objectives by offering the technical support it is looking for in all aspects of mining.

He said mining is not only costly but risky, hence the need to carry out due diligence to ensure that requisite requirements are put in place as the country ventures into large scale mining.

“In terms of the regulatory framework and best practices, Zambia can provide valuable insights towards establishing a regulatory framework for the mining sector, sharing best practices for environmental management, and sustainable mining practices in line with international regulations,” Mr. Chanda said.

Issued by Bennie Mundando

First Secretary (Press & Tourism)

Zambia High Commission

New Delhi, India

Phone: +91 9599144266

Email: Bennie.Mundando@grz.gov.zm