A SENIOR UPND MEMBER PAID MPs, MINISTERS TO VOTE FOR BILL 7 – MUNDUBILE

MPOROKOSO PF MP Brian Mundubile claims that a senior UPND member recently drove to the National Assembly to distribute money to ruling party MPs and ministers to influence their vote in favour of Bill 7.

Mundubile adds that this happened in full view of all the MPs at Parliament.

During a press briefing, Friday, Mundubile claimed that even President Hichilema was facing resistance from his own UPND members of parliament regarding Bill 7.

“I want to tell you that even the members of parliament from the UPND know that there is something wrong with constitutional amendment Bill No. 7. President Hakainde Hichilema is facing resistance from his own MPs. That is the reason why just two days ago there was one senior member of the party who drove into Parliament grounds and started distributing money to UPND members of parliament and ministers. If at all they were very clear, if at all they were sure that Bill 7 contained progressive clauses, if they were sure that Bill 7 was properly processed up to the Bill stage, why are they paying their members? Why are they distributing money in car parks?” he asked.

“This was done in full view of all members of parliament. Money was sent to and was paid to members of parliament of the UPND so that they support Bill 7. It is very shameful indeed. I think the easiest way out for President Hakainde Hichilema would have been to stop this particular process. This would have given you an opportunity to consult further so that going forward, the Bill that will come to Parliament for constitutional amendment is a Bill that is coming from the people. It’s a Bill that contains the aspirations of the Zambian people. So as we stand now the debate or the Bill that is being scrutinised by the committee is the same Bill that was condemned by the Constitutional Court as it were”.

Mundubile insisted that Bill 7 was not a priority and advised the President to focus on paying farmers and addressing the high cost of living, among other pressing issues.

“So we still insist that that is not a priority. We’ve given you a number of priorities that I wish to go through very quickly. President Hakainde Hichilema, abandon the process of Bill 7 and pay the farmers. Abandon the process of Bill 7 and solve the crushing cost of living. Abandon Bill 7 and resolve the challenges on broken promises to do with mealie meal, fertiliser, among others.

Abandon Bill 7 and look at the plight of truck drivers, for instance. We need to come up with a sectoral minimum wage. You can’t come up with a minimum wage that is uniform across the sectors. If you look at, for instance, our brothers and sisters, I’m talking about truck drivers because we had a chance to interact with them in Serenje and they were saying please speak for us. We need to come up with sectoral minimum wages. The transport sector, the mining sector, these are things that are urgent, Mr President, and not Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 7,” said Mundubile.

“So we want to join others that are speaking for marketeers that are going through a number of challenges ranging from their trading places and indeed lack of business, as it were. So there are a lot of things that we can speak to, Mr President, challenges in the markets, challenges with minibus drivers, challenges with truck drivers, non-payment to farmers, and so on. So, you have a lot on your plate to deal with. But you just can’t abandon all this and rush to go and process a Bill that was declared to be unconstitutional. I thought it was very important that as members of parliament, we come to you to assure you that we will continue until Monday to speak to political parties and others so that we can stop the Constitutional Amendment Bill as it comes up for second reading”.

News Diggers

By Elias Kamanga

Why FDD Remains the Second Home for PF

News that the Tonse Alliance Council of Leaders has unanimously chosen the Forum for Democracy and Development (FDD) as the Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) for the forthcoming Chawama Parliamentary by-election filled me with genuine excitement.

With the legal and political challenges that have bedeviled the PF, the need for a lifeline ahead of the 2026 elections if not only for itself but for the good of Democracy need not be emphasised. The PF needs a new home!

To me, this moment feels like history unfolding in reverse — a replay of 2004, when a small group of us inside FDD quietly engineered a de facto working relationship with the then-rising Patriotic Front (PF), long before PF became a governing party.

Many political players today may not appreciate just how many former FDD leaders, MPs, councillors, and grassroots organizers eventually found themselves in PF and contributed significantly to its rise.

However, the truth is simple: the political logic that once propelled FDD members toward PF still makes FDD the natural second home for  most PF members even today.

By late 2003, the mood within FDD structures across the country — from Copperbelt to Luapula, Eastern to Northern Province — had become impossible to ignore. After the 2001 loss to MMD, FDD supporters felt the party needed a strategic partnership to remain relevant ahead of 2006. And all fingers pointed in one direction: the fast-growing PF under Michael Chilufya Sata.

PF was considered bold, unfiltered, and reform-driven, capturing the frustrations of ordinary citizens. FDD, meanwhile, was already a respected and well-structured national party with countrywide visibility, credibility, and organisational depth.

The synergy was obvious.

Because of this overwhelming sentiment, we were tasked by colleagues to take the proposal to FDD President Hon. Edith Nawakwi, who had succeeded Lt. Gen. Christon Tembo after the 2001 election loss.

We travelled to Lusaka and made the case: aligning with PF was not just an option — it was a political necessity.

But President Nawakwi firmly rejected the idea. Her ambitions and strategic reading of the political landscape did not include subordinating FDD’s future to the PF wave. With that, the door to a formal alliance was shut.

When we returned to the grassroots structures and relayed the leadership’s decision, the members were resolute. 

“If FDD would not move officially toward PF, the membership itself would create the path”.

A small team — myself, the late Elizabeth Kalongelwa Phiri (later a PF MCC), the late Beatrice Miti (later Mufulira DC under PF), and one other colleague whose name escapes me — was mandated to begin direct talks with Mr. Sata.

We met at Farmers House. Mr. Sata was flanked by PF heavyweights of that era:

Dr. Guy Scott (then Secretary-General) Hon. Davies Mwila, Dr. Chileshe Mulenga,
Edward Mumbi,Hon. Dorothy Kazonga,Hon. Esther Banda

Our FDD team was led by former Chifunabuli MP Hon. Ernest Mwansa, later Deputy Speaker after PF’s 2011 victory.

That pivotal Saturday meeting produced an informal but extremely consequential grassroots alliance — never declared, never formalized, but powerful enough to help reshape Zambia’s political future.

Former FDD cadres, organizers, and leaders began crossing into PF, strengthening its organizational muscle. By the time PF formed government in 2011, countless former FDD members were serving as ministers, deputy ministers, DCs, PSs, MPs, and mayors.

Some notable names included Hon. Ernest Mwansa, Hon. Maj Celestine Chibamba, Hon. Elizabeth Chitika, Hon. Luxon Kazabu, Hon. Charles Banda
Hon. Nkandu Luo, Hon. Lucas Phiri, MCC Elizabeth Phiri,the late Beatrice Miti and the author.

Many others held roles in Parliament, councils, and party structures.The unofficial alliance had matured and went on to form Government.

Twenty years later, the same political logic remains intact — perhaps even stronger.

1. FDD is a nationally recognized, well-established party.

Its Name, history, and legacy still resonate across the country. This makes it ideal for SPV roles or strategic alliances.

2. Many PF leaders trace their political roots to FDD. Where FDD is lacking in structures PF is overwhelmed by members jostling  for positions.

Dozens of former ministers, MCCs, MPs, councillors, strategists, and mobilizers began their journeys in FDD. Returning through FDD therefore feels natural — almost like coming home.

3. FDD and PF share ideological DNA.

Both emerged from dissatisfaction with MMD-era governance. Both championed reform, anti-corruption, and pro-poor policies.

4. The grassroots connection never died.

Even after transitioning to PF, many leaders retained emotional and organizational roots in FDD.

5. FDD has retained stable structures.

It remains disciplined, nationally intact, and dependable — ideal for by-elections and broader coalition arrangements.

The Tonse Alliance’s decision to use FDD as the SPV in the Chawama by-election is not a coincidence. It is a return to an old but unfinished partnership — a relationship first forged quietly in the early 2000s by dedicated foot soldiers, organizers, and believers who saw the political future long before others did.

The fact that  both the late leaders of PF  and FDD, Edgar chagwa Lungu and Lt Tembo served as Chawama MPs makes the choice of the SPV even more  special.

Perhaps even more profound is that by the time she passed on Ms Nawakwi had for all intents and purposes gone into alliance with PF.

Sometimes in politics, the past does not merely echo — it reasserts itself.

And when it does, it reminds us that alliances born in struggle often re-emerge precisely when they are needed most.

REPORT ON THE DELIMITATION OF CONSTITIENCIES-2019

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The Electoral Commission of Zambia is established under Article 229 of the
Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No.2 of 2016 and whose mandate among others is to conduct delimitation of electoral boundaries.

Article 58 further states that the Electoral Commission shall, at intervals of not more than ten years, review the names and boundaries of constituencies and wards.
In line with the Commission’s mandate, the Commission conducted the delimitation exercise from 8th July 2019 to 10th December 2019.

The exercise was carried out in four phases as follows:
• The first phase included consultations with stakeholders;

• The second phase included the District Sittings held in all the 116 districts
where stakeholders made proposals on the creation of new
constituencies, wards and polling districts;

• The third phase was the Provincial Sittings where districts submissions (oral
and written) were received by the Commission on the creation of new
constituencies, wards and polling districts; and

• The last phase was the Commission Consolidation Sitting, where the
Commission considered all the 116 district submissions and made recommendations on the number of constituencies, wards and polling districts to be increased.

The Commission has recommended an increase in the number of constituencies from 156 to 250.

The justification for the increase is high
population density, population increase, vastness of an area, new settlement
patterns, means of communication and geographical terrain to ensure adequate representation between urban and sparsely populated areas.

The recommended number of constituencies per province is summarized in Table 1 below

PRESIDENT HICHILEMA REAFFIRMS GOVERNMENT’S COMMITMENT TO ECONOMIC RESILIENCE AT PRIVATE SECTOR DAY

Lusaka, 12 December 2025

By Valentina Daka

President Hakainde Hichilema has reaffirmed government’s commitment to strengthening Zambia’s economic resilience and accelerating national development through deeper collaboration with the private sector.

Speaking during the 4th Private Sector Day at the Mulungushi International Conference Centre, the President said the private sector remains a critical partner in transforming the country’s economic landscape.

He emphasized that government is focused on creating a predictable, transparent, and business friendly environment that encourages innovation, investment, and job creation.

“We remain unwavering in our commitment to driving our economic development agenda and fostering an environment where businesses can thrive. When the private sector grows, the nation grows,” President Hichilema said.

The President also urged citizens to support local industries by prioritizing the purchase of Zambian-made products, noting that strengthening domestic value chains is essential for boosting national revenue and creating jobs. “When we buy Zambian, we keep money circulating within our own economy,” he said.

President Hichilema further highlighted the role of digital technologies in reducing corruption, stressing that increased automation and digital systems will enhance transparency, accountability and efficiency in public service delivery.

During the event, the President thanked sponsors and cooperating partners for their continued support. He also announced that 12 December will officially be recognized as Private Sector Day, which will be gazetted. He clarified, however, that the day will not be a public holiday.

President Hichilema encouraged industry leaders to continue engaging with government on reforms aimed at improving competitiveness, strengthening value chains, and supporting sustainable economic growth, noting that strong partnerships are vital for building a resilient and prosperous Nation.

CIC PRESS  TEAM

Buy The Land Or Vacate – Court Orders ZNS
By Dickson Jere

Farm 690 in Ferngroove area of Lusaka West belonged to Lendor Burton. During the 1980s, the area was prone to military attacks as it was near a refugee camp. The government then deployed Zambia National Service (ZNS) to provide 24-hour security in the area and there was also a State of Emergency at that time. It appears Burton allowed ZNS to temporarily setup camp at his farm for the purpose. Years later, the camp developed into a full fledged military facility with permanent structures erected on it and housed the Builders Brigade.

Burton then sold the farm – of course including the 70 hectares where ZNS camp is situated. The buyer took possession of the land and had the certificate of title changed in its name. It then approached ZNS to buy the land. Initially, the military wing agreed but then changed its mind and refused to pay.

This prompted the owner to sue in the High Court, arguing that ZNS should pay him for the land it was occupying and damages for the using his land for many years. After hearing both sides, the Judge threw away the case saying Burton could not have sold entire farm where ZNS is.

Unhappy, the owner appealed to the Court of Appeal.

Three Judges looked at the case and ordered that the certificate of title should be canceled because the buyer should have known that ZNS had established camp on the farm long before it bought the land from Burton. Simply, it did not do due diligence properly.

The owner was dissatisfied.
It then climbed to the Supreme Court to seek Justice, arguing that he was owner of the farm and ZNS does not have any interest whatsoever in the farm. They were merely squatters on his farm.

Chief Justice Mumba Malila, SC and two other Judges heard the appeal. The Judges ruled in favour of the owner saying ZNS had no right to the land except that they may have had permission to setup camp from Burton but title never changed. Simply, ZNS never acquired ownership of the farm.

“To allow ZNS to remain in occupation of the appellant land without compensation goes against all laws that proscribe deprivation of an individual’s property without compensation,” the Judges said.

The Court ordered ZNS to pay for the land within seized months at the rate which will be determined by valuation surveyors appointed by the Zambia Institute of Valuation Surveyors. However, should ZNS fail to pay, the land and all the houses will belong to the owner of the land.

“Should the Respondent be unwilling or unable to compensate the Appellant, the legal consequences could only be worse,” the Court warned.

“In the event of failure by the Respondent (ZNS) to effect compensation…ZNS shall forthwith vacate such division A20 of Farm 690 leaving all the unexhausted  improvements which inure to the benefit of the land,” the Judges said.

.

Case citation – Rephidim Institute Limited v Attorney General- SCZ 08/08/2025 and Judgement delivered yesterday.

Lecture notes;

1. This is very important judgement as the Supreme Court has once again reaffirmed property rights of individual Zambians. It does not matter whether it government or military agency that has taken over your land, you are entitled to your property. And whatever is built on the land remains for the owner to enjoy.

2. This case underscores the need to follow laws when building on land. However, the state can compulsorily acquire land for such purpose but with adequate compensation. This is good case law for investor confidence as it has shown that no one is above the law in Zambia and investment is protected.

ZCTU’S DANGEROUS EMBRACE OF POWER IS A BETRAYAL OF WORKERS

The recent conduct of the Zambia Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) at State House is not merely disappointing; it is profoundly dangerous to the integrity of the labour movement and to Zambia’s democratic culture.

By openly endorsing Bill 7 and issuing threats to Members of Parliament who may oppose it, the ZCTU leadership has committed a serious and avoidable error. They have chosen proximity to power over fidelity to workers.

This behaviour deserves outright condemnation.

Trade unions are not extensions of the executive. They are meant to be independent centres of worker power, organised to defend and promote workers’ interests, challenge  and restrain anti worker  reactionary government and corporate excesses wherever they arise. When union leaders begin to campaign for controversial reactionary government and anti worker positions, they cross a red line. They stop being representatives of workers and become reactionary political functionaries. That transformation is fatal to the credibility of organised labour.

The context makes this mistake even more glaring. Zambia is currently enjoying one of the strongest commodity price environments in decades, with copper prices exceeding $11,000 per tonne. Yet workers remain overtaxed, wages are stagnant, and the cost of living continues to rise. Mining corporations still benefit from favourable arrangements, while ordinary citizens should shoulder the heaviest burden through PAYE and indirect taxes. Any serious labour leadership would have used access to State House to demand economic justice for workers, not to praise a divisive constitutional amendment.

Equally troubling is the silence on urgent labour and social crises. Over a thousand volunteer doctors remain unemployed despite repeated promises from the government. Public service workers are stretched, demoralised, and underpaid. These are real, lived struggles of working people. That  ZCTU leadership chose to ignore these issues while defending Bill 7 speaks volumes about how far it has drifted from its core mandate.

Let us be honest. The UPND government, like many neoliberal administrations, understands the value of neutralising potential opposition. Access, resources, and financial inducements are used to tame weak MPs, opportunistic political figures, and now, regrettably, sections of the labour movement. But such tactics never endure. Loyalty bought with money and privilege is temporary. When economic pressures deepen and political fortunes change, those who traded principles for favour are discarded without ceremony.

By aligning itself with reactionary executive power, the ZCTU has misjudged both history and the mood of the working class. Workers do not want unions that threaten MPs on behalf of an anti worker and pro transnational corporation  president. They want unions that defend democratic accountability, protect wages, fight the exploitation and humiliation of workers, and speak truth to power without fear or favour. Any union that abandons this role forfeits its moral authority.

I want to be very clear. When the Socialist Party forms the government next year, we will respect the independence of the labour movement and do everything possible to strengthen them and their protection of workers. We will not seek to buy unions, silence them, or turn them into praise singers. On the contrary, we will welcome criticism from organised labour in defence of the interests of the workers because a strong, independent, and militant union movement is essential to a just, fair, humane, and democratic society. Governments that fear unions fear the people.

Zambia’s future cannot be built on co-option, intimidation, humiliation, or manufactured consensus. It must be built on accountability, social justice, and respect for institutions of the people to perform their proper roles. The ZCTU leadership still has an opportunity to correct this dangerous course, but the warning could not be clearer.

When trade union leaders betray workers, the consequences primarily involve the erosion of trust and unity, leading to a significant loss of bargaining power and tangible negative impacts on wages and working conditions.

Workers become disillusioned and cynical about their representation, leading to a profound loss of trust in union leadership and the union movement as a whole. Disunity among the rank-and-file, often coupled with a perception that leaders are “close to management” or politically compromised, significantly weakens the union’s ability to negotiate effectively for better pay, benefits, and conditions.
When leaders prioritize political affiliations over workers’ interests, the union can become a tool for political gain rather than an independent voice for labour rights.

Ultimately, the primary purpose of a trade union—to protect and advance the interests of its members—is defeated when leaders are compromised. This can result in workers feeling they are at the periphery of the agency relationship rather than at its heart.
Workers are watching. History is watching. And neither is kind to institutions that forget why they exist. To betray the suffering and struggling workers  of Zambia is to betray Christ.

Fred M’membe
President of the Socialist Party

God Bless You, Emmanuel Mwamba: A Witness from Exile and a Reckoning for Zambia

By Father Oscar Mwansa Pombo
Zambian Catholic priest based in Rome, Italy

I write this reflection not as a politician, not as a partisan voice, but as a Zambian priest living far from home, observing my country with prayer, concern, and honesty. Distance has a way of sharpening memory. It also clarifies conscience. From Rome, I follow Zambia closely, not through rumours or slogans, but through voices that speak consistently, calmly, and with courage. One such voice is that of Ambassador Emmanuel Mwamba.

Let me state clearly. This is not hypocrisy. It is not an attempt to say something pleasant for convenience. It is a public acknowledgment rooted in experience, disagreement, correction, and truth.

In 2021, Emmanuel Mwamba stood alone.

That fact matters.

The setting was Bakwetu TV, a platform many Zambians remember well. On that day, the panel was heavy with voices. Linda Banks was there. Dr. Kasonzo was there. Dr. Chilufya was there. Patrick was there. Ifewe was there. Awakos Radio was there. Nabambi was there. The room was full. The consensus felt settled. And on the opposite side of all of us stood one man, Emmanuel Mwamba.

He was alone.

We were united in our position. He was isolated in his. We were convinced. He was firm. We were certain that Edgar Chagwa Lungu was irredeemably tainted. Mwamba insisted otherwise. He did not claim perfection. He did not deny mistakes. He argued something more uncomfortable. That the man had been painted black beyond truth. That a narrative had overtaken fairness. That judgment had arrived before evidence.

At the time, we did not listen.

History has a way of returning conversations we thought were closed. With time, facts surfaced. Legal processes unfolded. Public understanding shifted. What many of us repeated with confidence turned out to be incomplete, exaggerated, or plainly wrong. The man we believed to be beyond redemption was revealed to be human, flawed, accountable, yet not the criminal caricature that dominated public discourse.

That moment forced a reckoning.

It forced many of us to admit something difficult. Emmanuel Mwamba had been telling the truth, or at the very least, defending it when it was deeply unpopular to do so. Standing alone is not weakness. Often, it is the earliest sign of courage.

Today, look again at that Bakwetu TV panel. Apart from Bamu Kelewai, now based in Europe, most of us have shifted. Not opportunistically, but conscientiously. We have chosen to stand with the Zambian people, not with fixed camps. That shift did not happen overnight. It came through reflection, regret, and renewed responsibility.

This is why Emmanuel Mwamba’s story matters beyond personal sympathy.

After that period, pressure mounted. Attempts were made to silence him. Arrest loomed. The intention was clear to remove a dissenting voice from the public square. Mwamba left Zambia. Exile followed. Exile is not travel. It is loss. It is the loss of home, routine, identity, and dignity. It is the daily effort to prove one respects the law while living away from the very country that should protect that right.

Many in exile disappear into bitterness or silence. Emmanuel Mwamba did not.

Instead, he transformed exile into service. From a small room, with limited means, he built a platform that now reaches millions. His podcast, EMV, has become more than commentary. It is a civic forum. It is listened to by ordinary citizens, professionals, clergy, and members of the diaspora across Africa and Europe. I know this because priests, nuns, bishops, and European colleagues speak to me about it.

What draws them is not noise. It is tone.

Mwamba speaks with sobriety. He respects the government even when challenging it. He speaks truth without insults. He does not shout. He does not ridicule. In a digital age driven by outrage, that restraint is powerful. It invites listening rather than reaction.

As a priest, I also observe character. Beyond politics, I have discovered in Emmanuel Mwamba something deeper. Humanity. Ubuntu. A concern for those without voice. A sensitivity to suffering that is not selective. These qualities cannot be manufactured. They are revealed under pressure.

I say this openly. If I were to endorse a presidential candidate based on personal conscience alone, Emmanuel Mwamba would be among those I would consider. That statement is not electoral instruction. It is moral assessment. Zambia needs leaders shaped by endurance, humility, and truth, not just ambition.

God’s ways are not rushed. Those who sought to silence him inadvertently expanded his audience. Those who pushed him into exile placed him in a position to speak more freely, more widely, and more responsibly. From that small room, he now speaks to millions. They listen because they recognise sincerity.

I also write this as an admission. I was wrong in 2021. Many of us were. Owning that error is part of national healing. Zambia will not move forward unless public figures learn to say, “We were mistaken.”

From Rome, I continue to pray for Zambia. Our country remains blessed. Our democracy, though strained, still breathes. Every voice still matters, whether spoken from State House, Parliament, or exile.

Emmanuel Mwamba has earned his place in that national conversation.

Whether in Zambia or abroad, God is with you. God’s time is exact. Truth, even when delayed, always returns with clarity.

God bless you, Emmanuel Mwamba.

Mumbi questions caliber of HH’s diplomats for calling other citizens fools, and asking juniors to shave their private parts

Former PF deputy secretary general Mumbi Phiri has questioned the calibre of President Hakainde Hichilema’s diplomatic appointments, for asking their own junior staff to shave their private parts and referring to fellow nationals they are supposed to serve as fools.

And Phiri said her longtime friendship with Zambia’s Ambassador to Sweden Gladys Nundwe has broken down after the latter referred to her as a fool, and prayed that her job would keep her forever as they had “always looked after each other.”

Speaking with Daily Revelation, Phiri said she was shocked that a diplomat could use words such as foolish to describe fellow nationals she was supposed to be serving.

“Can she look after me if I went to Sweden when she’s thinking of me as PF? Can she? And I am a fellow woman, she can call a fellow woman, a mother, a grandmother like her, me I am somebody’s wife unlike her, how does my husband feel for a fellow woman to be calling me foolish?” Phiri said. “Me when I was a diplomat, I fought for Ngoma when he was abducted in South Sudan. Ngoma, is it Nelson Ngoma, who is in the national management committee for UPND? I fought for his release he can attest to that. Because as a diplomat, at the diplomatic school I was taught not to be partisan.”

She questioned the calibre of President Hakainde Hichilema’s diplomats who were openly showing themselves as UPND members.

“What type of diplomats are they? Ba Hakainde why are picking useless people who are embarrassing you? … What type of diplomats are these who can go and ask a local employee to shave their private parts, while Nundwe is calling us fellow citizens, honourables, former diplomats, me and (George) Chulumanda, as

https://dailyrevelationzambia.com/mumbi-questions-caliber-of-hhs-diplomats-for-calling-other-citizens-fools-and-asking-juniors-to-shave-their-private-parts/

STATE SEEKS DISMISSAL OF MAKEBI ZULU’S APPLICATION ON CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT BILL

The State has asked the Constitutional Court to dismiss with costs the application by  lawyer Makebi Zulu seeking to halt proceedings on the Constitution Amendment Bill Number 7 of 2025.

Attorney General Mulilo Kabesha argued that the application constitutes an abuse of court process and duplicity of actions. He submitted that Mr. Zulu’s petition is not competently before the courts and has no prospects of success.

Mr. Kabesha further explained that the petition is seeking the same relief already contained in the Law Association of Zambia (LAZ) application for a Conservatory Order on the Bill.

He also contended that Mr. Zulu’s petition mirrors the case brought by Brian Mundubile and Celestine Mukandila, which is already before the Constitutional Court.

ZNBC