Nigeria Gave UK A Future Prime Minister In Kemi Badenoch  —  Boris Johnson

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Former United Kingdom Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, has described Kemi Badenoch, leader of the UK Conservative Party, as a potential future prime minister, crediting Nigeria for “sending” her to Britain.

Johnson spoke on Thursday in Owerri during the ongoing Imo Economic Summit, where he praised the longstanding ties between both countries and the exchange of talent that sustains the relationship.

Highlighting the flow of trade and expertise between Nigeria and the UK, Johnson said Britain exports “pharmaceuticals, bankers, services of all kinds, automotive parts… and whisky — huge quantities of whisky.”

In return, he said Nigeria sends “oil and gas; Nollywood movies; brilliant doctors and nurses; technicians; and tech geniuses” to the UK.

He added humorously: “And we send you former United Kingdom prime ministers, and you send us a future United Kingdom prime minister in the form of Kemi Badenoch, who comes from Nigeria and is doing better and better these days.”

Johnson’s endorsement comes as internal Conservative Party conversations intensify over who could succeed Badenoch should she step aside before the next general election.

Recent polling has revealed dissatisfaction within sections of the party, raising questions about the Tory leader’s long-term prospects.

An October poll showed “small but significant traces” of discontent, following the party’s poor performance in the May local elections where it secured just 15 percent of the vote — its worst showing since 1995.

Potential contenders reportedly in the frame include Robert Jenrick, shadow justice secretary and Badenoch’s rival in the 2024 leadership contest, and James Cleverly, the shadow housing secretary.

Although Johnson praised Badenoch as a product of Nigerian heritage, the Conservative leader has previously stated that she no longer identifies with the country of her ancestral roots.

Source: Vanguard

 MATTERS ARISING | PF Chaos Deepens as Senior Officials Confront Lubinda Over “Illegal” Purge

The Patriotic Front has entered a new phase of internal rupture after seven senior officials delivered a formal demand letter to Acting President Given Lubinda, accusing him of violating the party constitution, defying court orders, and purging rivals to secure personal control ahead of the long-delayed general conference.

According to the letter addressed to Mr Lubinda, PF National Chairperson Hon Emmanuel Mpakata, former Secretary General Hon Davies Mwila, Acting Secretary General Brenda Nyirenda, Northern Provincial Chairperson Chomba Chipili, Lusaka Provincial Chairperson Hon Shakafuswa, and MCCs Melissian Phiri and KAWANGU have demanded that Mr Lubinda “rescind his illegal decision” to remove them from the Central Committee.

The letter states that Mr Lubinda’s actions amount to “a crime over court contempt” because a court order currently restrains PF and rival factions from making structural changes. The group insists that none of them faced charges before the disciplinary committee and that Mr Lubinda acted “at night while everyone was asleep,” a line intended to frame the purge as clandestine and authoritarian.

A senior official familiar with the party constitution told The People’s Brief that under PF rules, expulsions must be initiated by a disciplinary process and confirmed by the Central Committee.

The claim is that Mr Lubinda bypassed both steps.

Hon Mpakata, speaking to associates, warned that Mr Lubinda risks “plunging the party into a legal abyss” because he allegedly ignored the standing order from the High Court directing all PF factions to maintain the status quo until the main leadership dispute is resolved.

The letter also references advice allegedly given by former Vice President Inonge Wina, who is said to have urged Mr Lubinda to reverse the purge but “he does not want to listen.”

The new front against Mr Lubinda is politically significant because it unites figures who rarely cooperate. Davies Mwila backs Brian Mundubile. Brenda Nyirenda is linked to the Musonda-Mpakata block. Chomba Chipili commands Northern Province structures.

Their joint action signals a coordinated push to stop what they describe as Lubinda’s attempt to “stage-manage” the conference by eliminating key rivals.

This week’s escalation comes days after Mr Mwila publicly urged PF members to “join other political parties” because PF is “no longer there,” a statement that provoked immediate backlash from Miles Sampa who told him to “shut up” and accused him of destroying PF in 2021 through violent cadres and corrupt adoptions.

Mr Lubinda has not yet issued a formal response, but allies within his enclave argue that he is the only figure capable of preventing the party from splitting before the 2026 elections. Critics reject that claim.

One PF insider told us, “This is no longer about unity. It is survival. Lubinda wants to arrive at the conference with a Central Committee he can control.”

The broader context is Bill 7 politics. PF grassroots are already suspicious that some MPs may vote with UPND. The fight for party control is therefore tied to fear that a manipulated Central Committee could negotiate political deals or decide adoption lists in 2026.

This latest confrontation adds to the party’s growing instability, as legal battles, factional warfare, and mutual accusations dominate its internal calendar. The court order on the PF case remains in force. Any further purges risk attracting contempt proceedings.

More updates will follow as the situation develops.

© The People’s Brief | Francine Lilu

 NEW VOTERS’ ROLL  | Can Hichilema Hold the 2026 Map?

The 2026 race will be shaped by voter arithmetic and the balance between rural satisfaction and urban frustration. The Electoral Commission of Zambia has published 8,861,918 new voters’ roll and the distribution still mirrors the pattern that produced Hakainde Hichilema’s 59.02% victory in 2021.

Hichilema’s strongest pillars remain Southern, Western and North-Western. He also controls large sections of Central Province. Rural voters credit him for free education, the Social Cash Transfer, the increased CDF and the presence of teachers recruited in the past four years. These benefits are visible in villages where the state felt absent for a long time. This rural approval remains his most durable shield.

The two provinces that carry the greatest risk are Lusaka and Copperbelt. They hold almost 31 percent of all voters, which translates to about 2.75 million people. These areas swing sharply in moments of economic stress. In 2021 he carried both provinces with strong margins. In 2026 the challenge lies in the cost of living, electricity shortages and the slow recovery of formal jobs. These pressures create unpredictable urban behaviour. A sharp swing in these two provinces can wipe out a national lead within one day of counting.

The opposition remains scattered. PF is still dealing with internal fights. Tonse is shrinking because its anchor party has no unified command. NCP has left the alliance. A new grouping called WOZA has joined the field, but it has no national footprint. The Socialist Party remains small because socialism is not a natural Zambian ideology and its leader is viewed as elite.

None of these groups present a united national challenge. This fragmentation gives Hichilema structural comfort, especially in rural regions that still trust the social programmes introduced since 2021.

By-election results in PF strongholds tell a clear story. UPND has been competitive in Eastern, Muchinga, Northern and Luapula. In several wards it has won seats that PF once carried comfortably. In others it has come a close second rather than a distant outsider. The pattern is consistent.

PF is not regaining its old dominance in the regions that once gave Edgar Lungu his highest margins. The party still has ground support, but it has no central message and no unified leadership. These weaknesses limit its ability to convert rural frustration into a coherent vote.

The worst-case scenario for Hichilema lies in the urban belt. A combined fall of 10 to 15 points in Lusaka and Copperbelt would remove between 200,000 and 250,000 votes from his 2021 baseline. The danger increases if Central Province records a noticeable shift toward the opposition. The threshold he must protect is the constitutional 50 percent plus one.

Hichilema’s falling below 48 percent in battlegrounds of Lusaka and Copperbelt creates slightly survivable pressure. However, falling below 45 percent turns the election into a real contest if the opposition manages to coordinate its provincial approach.

There is still a counterweight. PF strongholds have not shown a unified resurgence. The by-elections confirm this. UPND retains a strong presence in Eastern. It has contested strongly in Muchinga. It has won several local seats in areas where PF once enjoyed a clean sweep. Opposition has no formidable structures in these territories and Tonse is losing visibility because PF is consumed by internal battles. This fragmentation means that even a strong anti-UPND mood in rural PF zones does not produce a single consolidated tally.

For Hichilema to remain safe, he must hold a combined 47 to 48 percent in Lusaka and Copperbelt. At that level, his rural dominance and his strongholds in Southern, Western and North-Western carry him comfortably above 50 percent plus one. His risk increases sharply when his urban numbers fall below 45 percent. That threshold reduces his rural protection and allows a coordinated opposition to cut into the national vote.

The arithmetic remains clear. Hichilema does not need an urban landslide. He only needs competitive urban results. The by-elections show that PF has not rebuilt its old rural machine. The opposition is energetic but divided. This fragmentation remains his strongest advantage.

Hichilema’s greatest threat is not a single party. His greatest threat is urban anger and the turnout shifts that follow it.

(c) The People’s Brief | Ollus R. Ndomu

USE STATE HOUSE FOR HONEST DIALOGUE – PRIEST

STATE House must be used to promote constructive dialogue and not destructive dialogue, Catholic priest Fr Gladson Phiri has said.

Fr Phiri said Bill 7 should not constantly and perpetually separate or make the relationship between the State and the Church sour.

He told The Mast in an interview Zambians should come first before any constitutional amendment because the Constitution was not for an individual.

“Remember that before any bill, before any constitution, there are human beings. These are the human beings who are offshoots into a church, into a state, and so they have the responsibility to abridge anything that benefits either side of the coin than the written document separating bigger institutes like the Church and the State as perceived,” he said.

Fr Phiri said the country was witnessing a sour relationship between the State and the Church arising from Bill 7 because of lack of consensus.

He said despite some clauses made available to the public, some of the proposed changes to the Constitution were the ones raising serious eyebrows.

“Perhaps there are certain other sensitive or suspected clauses, articles, which may not have been made public to some of us responsible citizens, and perhaps this is what is raising eyebrows from the Church’s perspective,” Fr Phiri said.

He said Zambians wanted the truth on Bill 7 which had created a narrow political space among stakeholders in the country.

“Most of us, we know that the concerns are why the rush, why this time, why the process has so many questions than answers, why is it so ambiguous, why has it created a certain political space which is too narrow?” Fr Phiri asked.

He said a constitutional amendment was not a minor undertaking but one that required careful consideration and not one that championed personal interest.

“The structural changes, they are not minor tweaks. They are very serious tweaks, major I want to call them now, at least for today. People would want to say, is there any meaningful public consultation that relates to the process, that’s why the process is raising a lot of questions,” Fr Phiri said.

He said the Constitution belonged to the people and not to political elites.

Zambia could not be run by pointing and condemning the past because the present wZambias the most important.

“I propose that we ensure changes, preserve democratic processes and reduce the ambiguity, reduce the vagueness of that Bill 7, and reduce the speed at which Bill 7 is accelerating at. I know most of us Zambians, we are about to promote constructive dialogue, not destructive dialogue.

The Mast

Bill 7: The Quiet Doorway to Power, Lessons from 1993 Germany

By Dr Mwelwa

The most dangerous moments in a nation’s life never arrive shouting; they come disguised as reforms, wrapped in politeness, coated in procedure, and delivered by committees that look balanced on paper but are poisoned at the roots.

That is the quiet treachery we face with the Select Committee appointed to scrutinise Bill 7. At face value, Bishop Bilon Kalumbinga is correct, 7 UPND MPs and 8 from “opposition” parties appear balanced.

But politics is never about arithmetic; it is about allegiance. As Hitler told the Reichstag in 1933 when pushing the Enabling Act, “Give us four years, and I will deliver peace and order.” The room applauded, not knowing they were cheering their own burial.

Today, we are told, “Relax, this group is balanced,” when beneath the green skin lies a red belly, and beneath the red belly lies a constitutional knife sharpened for the throat of democracy.

Three Independents on this list publicly caucus with State House; every vote they cast in Parliament smells of UPND loyalty.

Two PF MPs, Mung’andu and Elias Daka, have endorsed HH for 2026 and actively campaigned for UPND-backed candidates. Sibongile Mwamba has drifted so far from PF that even her colleagues wonder which party she belongs to.

The Nalolo MP is from PNUP, a UPND alliance partner. What looks like opposition is, in truth, a choir rehearsing the ruling party’s chorus. This is why those who cried out for prayer were not being dramatic, they were reading the political weather. As our elders say, umulilo uchafula pa kuba abaumfwa: fire warns only those who can hear it.

And let us not forget the deeper deception. Hitler told Parliament, “The government will use these powers only where necessary.” That assurance was the coffin. Bill 7’s defenders say the President will dissolve Parliament only when “the Executive cannot govern.” But who decides failure? The same Executive.

Hitler used legal language to override legal institutions; today we use “as prescribed” to erase judicial oversight and place Parliament under presidential mercy. Africans say ing’ombe isuma tabula bwali, a cow that is too quiet is planning to kick the pot. Bill 7 is that quiet cow.

The danger intensifies when you examine the skillset of this committee.

On matters of constitutional weight, where are the legal heavyweights? Where are Mundubile, Kafwaya, Sampa, Katotobwe, the men who can smell constitutional fraud before it is printed? Replaced by political placeholders who nod more than they think. It reminds me again of Germany in 1933, Hitler packed committees not with thinkers but with loyalists whose greatest qualification was obedience. “The future of Germany,” he said, “requires unity.” Unity meant silence. Unity meant submission. Unity became dictatorship. Today, we are told, “These MPs will scrutinise objectively,” when their political survival depends entirely on pleasing the President.

African history is full of these warnings. In 1972, Kaunda used unity to create a one-party state. In 1996, Chiluba used constitutional amendments to scatter opponents. In 2016, Edgar Lungu used legal ambiguity to extend his stay.

Each time, the people woke up late but eventually resisted. Zambia survives not because our leaders are wise, but because citizens eventually refuse to be fooled.

Yet here we stand again, at the edge of the same old cliff, watching the same old script unfold. A committee that looks balanced like a watermelon, green outside, red inside. A bill that speaks softly but carries the power to crush dissent.

A political class that pretends not to see what every child in the market can see clearly.

Hitler warned his Parliament: “Obedience is the foundation of order.” Bill 7 whispers the same message, obey or be dissolved; comply or be replaced; align or be politically eliminated.

The President gains the power to declare Parliament uncooperative, then dissolve it, then govern with a compliant majority manufactured by delimitation. That is not reform. That is constitutional engineering of the darkest kind.

Zambians must not sleep. Icakulya cumfwa pamo, chilalalila. When people eat together in secrecy, the nation must ask what is on the menu.

Those celebrating this committee’s composition must understand that democracies do not fall with guns, they fall with committees, with amendments, with silence.

If Germany could be destroyed by one vote in Parliament, Zambia can be reshaped by one committee pretending to be neutral.

And when the nation collapses, history will not blame the rulers; it will blame the citizens who saw the storm coming and said, “Let’s wait and see.”
– Lusaka Times

 COMMENTARY | Mwila’s Bitter Truth: PF’s Crisis is Structural, Not Personal

By any measure, the Patriotic Front is in its deepest internal crisis since its formation in 2001. What Davis Mwila said this week has been mocked, dismissed, and attacked by Emmanuel Mwamba and other Lubinda-aligned voices. But strip away the noise and the personal insults, and one reality emerges with alarming clarity: Mwila is not lying about the PF’s structural paralysis. He is describing it.

And he is describing it using facts the party has refused to confront.

When he warned that “we shall not win the elections of 2026 if we don’t select a leader and go for a general conference before the end of this very December,” he was not issuing a threat. He was stating a mathematical truth. Time is a political currency, and PF has run out of it.

1. PF Cannot Contest 2026 Without a Leader

Mwila’s frustration is grounded in law and electoral timelines. Without an elected president, the party cannot field a presidential candidate, cannot structure a national campaign, and cannot mobilise in provinces. His chilling summary is as strategic as it is brutal:

“If we can’t choose a leader in December, I can tell you that we will not win the general election.”

This is not rage. This is institutional diagnosis. A political party without an elected leader is a political corpse that has not yet been buried.

2. The PF as a Legal Entity Is Fragile

Mwila’s most controversial line is also the most accurate:

“Talking about PF as a party, it is history now.”

He is referring to the legal and administrative chaos triggered by rival conventions, contradictory court orders, and a Registrar of Societies file that has been contested for two years.

Lawyers inside the party privately admit that the PF’s legal standing is now a high-risk gamble, not a guaranteed right. Mwila’s remedy is harsh but logical:

“Look for a special purpose vehicle.”

In political science, an SPV is a standby hosting party used when the mother party is legally compromised. Mwila mentions FDD or Socialist Party not out of excitement, but out of constitutional necessity.

3. Miles Sampa Broke the Party’s Spine

Whatever Emmanuel Mwamba’s emotions are, Mwila is not wrong about the political damage Miles Sampa caused. He said:

“Miles Sampa sold the party to the UPND. He betrayed us.”

His point is not personal. It is structural. The Sampa-engineered convention, police protection, and subsequent filings at the Registrar of Societies triggered the legal war that still cripples PF today. Those wounds are not imaginary. They are documented.

4. Lubinda’s Leadership Crisis is Not Fabricated

When Mwila said:

“Honourable Given Lubinda can never be President of Zambia because he is not Zambian.”

the debate shifted to citizenship. But Mwila’s real argument is about capacity and legitimacy, not origin. He argues that Lubinda is delaying the conference because he cannot win:

“He does not want the general conference because he will get no support.”

PF insiders confirm that Lubinda’s hold on the party rests on control of structures, not grassroots legitimacy. The party is fractured precisely because Lubinda has failed to unite warring factions.

5. Mwila’s Warnings About Time Are Real

He repeats:

“Time is not with us.”

And this is true. PF has less than eleven months before the 2026 polls. A divided party cannot mobilise. A leaderless party cannot campaign. A legally fragile party cannot file. A factionalised party cannot survive.

6. The UPND Factor is Not a Conspiracy

Mwila’s assertion that the UPND has “a hand in what is going on” is not far fetched. He references state protection during the Mulungushi convention and subsequent legal manoeuvres:

“It is the UPND who are doing all these manoeuvres.”

This may be politically coloured, but the pattern is recognisable: ruling parties across Africa exploit opposition weaknesses. Zambia is no exception.

7. Mwila Understands Party Politics Better Than His Critics

Economics may not be Mwila’s strength, but party machinery is. He worked as SG during one of PF’s strongest organisational phases. He understands structures, conventions, delegate manipulation, and factional warfare better than most of his critics.

He also understands that Emmanuel Mwamba’s rebuttal is a political performance, not a structural solution. Mwaba offers sentiment. Mwila offers diagnosis.

8. Mwila’s Message to PF is Brutal but True

The final line summarises his entire thesis:

“PF is no longer there, so people must find other political parties where to stand.”

This is not betrayal. It is shock therapy. Mwila is telling PF members the truth they do not want to hear: you cannot win 2026 under a party whose legality is contested, whose leadership is disputed, and whose factions are in open warfare.

He is not destroying the PF. He is describing the PF that already destroyed itself.

⬆️ Note

This analysis does not endorse Davis Mwila or his preferred faction. It examines his statements through a governance and organisational lens, acknowledging that political parties collapse not because critics speak loudly, but because institutions fail quietly. In this case, Mwila’s warnings reflect a deeper structural reality that PF must confront if it intends to survive the 2026 election cycle.

© The People’s Brief | Editors

PF MP Kampamba Mulenga Commends Government on Decentralisation

Opposition PF Member of Parliament Kampamba Mulenga, who represents Kalulushi Constituency, says she is working very well with the UPND Government in delivering development to her constituents.

Ms. Mulenga praised Government for pursuing the decentralisation policy, noting that it has strengthened local governance structures.

She also commended the increased Constituency Development Fund (CDF) allocation to all constituencies nationwide, saying it has accelerated the implementation of development projects.

Speaking on CROWN Television’s Spotlight Programme, Ms. Mulenga emphasized that the policy has empowered local structures to make decisions based on community priorities, ensuring that development is more responsive to the needs of the people.

IGNORE DETRACTORS SPREADING FALSEHOODS TO GAIN CHEAP POLITICAL MILEAGE:

SUPPORT AND VOTE FOR BILL 7 .

Initially, the detractors lied shamelessly in their usual style of spreading falsehoods that Bill 7 was President Hakainde Hichilema’s master plan to extend his tenure of office from 5 to 7 years, abolish both the running mate and 50%+1 clauses from the constitution when in fact not.

However, when government published the 13 clauses to be amended in the constitution, Presidential tenure of office, removal of the running mate and 50%+1 clauses were not among the 13 clauses to be amended as alleged by those opposed to Bill 7.

Further, when challenged to point out any clause or clauses from the 13 that were injurous to the people of Zambia as they were claiming, they lamentably failed to substantiate their allegations or point out any clause or clauses that were injurous to the people of Zambia.

Whilst, thousands of citizens submitted their views to the Technical Committee that went around the whole country to capture people’s views on the proposed amendments to the constitution, those opposed to the constitution making process who are now making noise, declined to submit their views to the Technical Committee.

What does this behavior tell us about the opposition and civil society groups opposed to Bill 7 particularly the heightened political noise and falsehoods being spread to dent President Hichilema’s image ahead of 2026?

What is crystal clear is that these detractors can’t be trusted with the serious responsibility of running affairs of the state as they are more focused on prioritizing mendacity over veracity to gain cheap political mileage.

More so, their sustained attacks and vilification of President Hichilema has nothing to do with Bill 7 which has progressive clauses that speak to the aspirations of the people in the governance of our great nation, while the detractors’ falsehoods regarding Bill 7 are anchored entirely on ill will and malice towards the Republican President in the desperate hope of swaying public opinion to influence regime change in 2026.

It’s for these reasons, we call upon the people of Zambia, particularly people’s representatives in Parliament (MPs) to ignore the detractors’ orchestrated outbursts and instead support President Hichilema’s development agenda and vote for Bill 7.

Spuki Mulemwa
Western Province UPND Presidential Campaign Team Media Coordinator.

UPND MEDIA DIRECTOR WARNS AGAINST MISINFORMATION ON CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT BILL NO. 7

UPND Media Director Mark Simuuwe has reiterated that only the Executive has the constitutional mandate to take a bill to Parliament, cautioning stakeholders against misleading the public over the reintroduction of Constitution Amendment Bill No. 7.

Mr. Simuuwe said it is unfortunate that some groups opposing the Bill continue to publish the same arguments that were dismissed by the courts, creating unnecessary confusion among citizens.

He stressed that the matter was taken to court and the courts threw it out, making continued misinformation both irresponsible and deceptive.

Addressing concerns raised by certain members of the clergy, Mr. Simuuwe clarified that the government is not against the Catholic Church, but rather responding to positions taken by a few politically aligned priests.

He emphasised that these individuals do not represent the majority of Catholic members, many of whom support Bill No. 7.

“We should not judge the Catholic Church unfairly. What should be judged fairly are the individual priests who have chosen to take partisan stances,” he said.

He added that religious leaders should not abuse the pulpit to advance political agendas, noting that any priest wishing to join politics is free to do so openly.

Mr. Simuuwe further warned that failure to amend the Constitution before the next general election would amount to a violation of the constitutional requirement that certain electoral and governance processes be reviewed within a ten-year cycle.

He also explained that the current Constitution does not provide for by-elections in newly delimitated constituencies, a gap that Bill No. 7 seeks to correct.

He highlighted that the proposed amendments align with national census data by responding to population shifts across constituencies.

Contrasting Bill No. 7 with the former Bill No. 10, Mr. Simuuwe said the earlier bill attempted to introduce provisions such as the return of deputy ministers, abolition of service commissions, parliamentary control over judicial appointments, politicisation of chiefdoms, and the power to alter districts and provinces without parliamentary approval.

He added that Bill 10 also attempted to introduce an undefined universal concept of morality, among other contentious clauses.

“Politics is not about lying. It is about telling the people the truth,” he said.

Mr. Simuuwe noted that under the proposed reforms, Zambia is adopting a model similar to that of South Africa, where citizens vote for political parties rather than individual parliamentary candidates under a mixed-member proportional representation system.

He commended President Hakainde Hichilema for acting responsibly to resolve constitutional lacunae that, if left unattended, could undermine the country’s democratic processes.

Mr. Simuuwe noted that Parliament has its own internal procedures and has already constituted a Select Committee to which the Technical Committee and other stakeholders will present their submissions as part of the ongoing consultative process.

The Media Director said this during a Prime TV “Media Introspection” programme.

UPND MT

The Chairperson of the African Union Commission Strongly Condemns  the Attempted Military Coup in the Republic of #Benin – 7 December 2025.

The Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Mahmoud Ali Yousouf, strongly and unequivocally condemns the military coup attempt that occurred on 7 December 2025 in the Republic of Benin. The Chairperson stresses that any form of military interference in political processes constitutes a grave violation of the fundamental principles and values of the African Union.

The Chairperson recalls the AU’s normative frameworks on Unconstitutional Changes of Government (UCGs), including the AU Constitutive Act (2000), the Lomé Declaration (2000), the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (2007), and the Ezulwini Framework (2009), all of which categorically reject military encroachment in governance and affirm the primacy of constitutional order and democratic legitimacy as pillars of peace and stability on the continent.

The Chairperson calls on all actors involved in the coup attempt to immediately cease all unlawful actions, to fully respect the Constitution of Benin, and to return without delay to their legitimate barracks and professional obligations. He encourages all national stakeholders to prioritize unity, dialogue, and the preservation of national peace.

The Chairperson expresses deep concern over the troubling proliferation of military coups and coup attempts across parts of the region, noting with regret that such actions continue to undermine continental stability, threaten democratic gains, and embolden military actors to act outside constitutional mandates. He warns that these trends erode citizens’ trust in public institutions, weaken state authority, and endanger collective security.

The Chairperson reiterates the African Union’s zero tolerance stance toward any unconstitutional change of government, regardless of context or justification. He underscores that the AU remains firm and consistent in defending democratic governance, the rule of law, and the sovereign will of the African people.

The Chairperson further reaffirms the African Union’s support to H.E. President Patrice Talon, the legitimate authorities of the Republic of Benin, and the People of Benin, who continue to demonstrate their commitment to democracy, peace, and institutional stability.

The African Union stands ready, in coordination with regional and international partners, to accompany the Government and People of Benin toward the full restoration of constitutional normalcy and the strengthening of democratic institutions.

Read @ https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20251207/auc-chairperson-strongly-condemns-attempted-military-coup-benin

U.S. BILL TARGETS EU AND BRAZIL FOR ONLINE CENSORSHIP: “CENSOR AN AMERICAN, PAY MILLIONS”

The GRANITE Act, Guaranteeing Rights Against Novel International Tyranny & Extortion, is exploding:

Already filed in Wyoming and New Hampshire, U.S. Under Sec Sarah Rogers told a federal version is “on the verge” of House introduction after UK’s Ofcom threats and EU’s $150M slap on X crossed Trump’s “red line.”

The bill nukes foreign sovereign immunity for any government censoring Americans, letting victims sue for treble damages or minimum $10M per violation.

This directly targeting Brussels’ DSA fines and Brazil’s Justice de Moraes banning X/Rumble while jailing critics.

EU commissars and Brazilian dictators think they can gag Americans from afar because sovereign immunity shields them.

GRANITE unravels that shield, turning every censorship order into a multi-million-dollar U.S. lawsuit jackpot.

Brazil’s de Moraes already got slapped down in Florida court for his X ban; now imagine EU bureaucrats facing $10M+ hits every time they fine Elon or threaten 4chan.

It’s not defense, it’s offense.

Foreign censors will either back off or watch their economies choke when U.S. courts freeze assets (UK has $60B in U.S. banks alone).

This is Trump-era lawfare at its finest: Make the bullies pay until they cry uncle.

The message is clear: Censor Americans, get bankrupt in American courts. About damn time.

Source: GB News, Reuters, Zero Hedge

Amb. Emmanuel Mwamba writes:

Why President Hichilema has abandoned the Technical Report and chosen Bill 7

Report on the Technical Committee on Consulting on Draft Amendments to the Constitution

1. Proposed 266 seater Parliament.

2.  Cabinet to be appointed from outside Parliament.

3.  To maintain by-election clause.

4. Proportional representation where political parties will nominate MPs.