Sishuwa shishuwa writes….
All bad things come to an end, and Hichilema is certainly a bad thing: unpacking the dangers of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill

Part I

By Sishuwa Sishuwa

A national constitution is a social contract that sets out the rules by which the people agree to govern themselves. This explains why the making of a constitution or any amendment to it must always come from the people, bottom up. However, this has not always been the case.

Constitution-making or amendment has been a subject of fierce contestation between the people and the officials entrusted to manage public affairs – in this case, the presidency. Those in the executive arm of government often want to change, abuse, or simply ignore the rules in the constitution so that they can pursue their narrow interests while the people always insist that the constitution reflects their aspirations and that the officials should respect it and promote the public good or common interests. This battle for greater control over the constitution is at the heart of the latest attempt by President Hakainde Hichilema to change Zambia’s constitution, a year before the country goes to the polls and less than ten years after the Constitution was passed.

On 23 May 2025, the government published the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill Number 7 of 2025. The publication of Bill 7 (which is available on this link: t.co/XfZkf8fqEi) represents the clearest evidence that Hichilema is proceeding to make changes to Zambia’s constitution despite strong public opposition to his plans. Broad sections of civil society, opposition parties, and ordinary citizens had asked the president to abandon the exercise for four main reasons. The first is timing. Some argued that it is too early to change a Constitution that was only repealed and re-enacted in January 2016 with the full support of Hichilema’s members of parliament. Others suggested that the exercise, coming so close to the 13 August 2026 general election, risks being clouded by partisan considerations and should be deferred to 2027.

The second reason for objection is that changing the Constitution now is premature. Many of its provisions are yet to be tested, an essential way of identifying any possible shortcomings that might require attention. Those that have been tested so far have acquitted themselves well. In fact, some of the institutions and statutes that are supposed to be created to support the Constitution are yet to be actualised. A great example here is the Political Bill which, according to Article 60 (4) of the current Constitution, should provide for: the establishment and management of a Political Parties’ Fund to provide financial support to political parties with seats in the National Assembly;  the accounts of political parties which are funded under the Political Parties’ Fund and the submission of audited accounts by political parties; the sources of funds for political parties; and the maximum amount of money to be used for campaigns during elections.

The third criticism rests on priorities: that constitutional reform, if at all it is necessary, is not an urgent concern of most Zambians who are grappling with a cost-of-living crisis, 17-hour daily power cuts, and massive corruption in government that has seen the United States cut aid to Zambia’s health sector. The final criticism is about lack of wider public participation. Unlike previous efforts, the latest effort at rewriting the constitution is primarily driven by the executive. None of the latest proposals were agreed upon through broad consensus. As a result, they reflect the aspirations not of citizens but of those in power, primarily the president and governing party.

In what has become his trademark response to public concerns, Hichilema simply ignored these combined objections to his plans, and the result is Bill 7. If enacted into law, the proposed changes would have dreadful consequences as they encourage corruption and undermine the principles, values, and legitimacy of the democratic system. There are eight major themes that run through the Bill. These include securing the president’s desire to control parliament; the exclusion of rival candidates through court-engineered disqualification of duly nominated candidates; giving political parties greater control over elected officials by abolishing by-elections; and political cadrisation of the civil service from the top by lowering the constitutional qualifications for the role of Secretary to Cabinet.

Other themes are the constructive extension of the presidential term of office by removing references to a five-year fixed term of parliament and changing the meaning of a term; and the elimination of the risk of disqualification from seeking elective public office by removing corruption or malpractice from the constitution as a sufficient ground on which anyone may petition a court to invalidate the completed nomination of a candidate – corrupt incumbent presidents are vulnerable targets here. The remaining themes are facilitating the use of public resources for political campaigns by moving the date of the dissolution of parliament from the current three months to a day before the general election whilst requiring MPs to do no official work during the final three months; and increasing centralisation of government operations by reversing the 2016 amendment that barred MPs from being councillors, a move that weakened their powers over local authorities and undermined their ability to profit through increased business opportunities.

Over the course of this and next weeks, I will be analysing these themes in no particular order of importance, showing how the Bill’s main proposals are all linked to Hichilema’s partisan interests. As opposed to writing one lengthy commentary, I have decided to serialise my reflections into shorter instalments, spread or published across several days. This approach, I hope, would enable in-depth discussion of the eight themes. Today, let us start with the first one.

Theme 1. Securing Control of Parliament

The first benefit that Hichilema seeks to achieve through Bill 7 is control of the National Assembly after the next general election or potentially even before. After using the executive-friendly Constitutional Court to block his main rival, former president Edgar Lungu, from contesting the 2026 election, Hichilema is relatively confident of winning. However, he is greatly concerned that he could win the presidential election but lose control of parliament, where rigging is harder, even with his supporters in charge of the country’s electoral management body. To avoid this, the president has proposed to alter the composition of the National Assembly by adding ninety-two new offices of members of parliament (MPs). After spending a decade and half in opposition politics, Hichilema won the 2021 election with a clear mandate of 59 percent, defeating then incumbent president Edgar Lungu who polled 39 per cent of the total votes cast.

However, Hichilema’s party only managed to secure 82 out of the available 156 seats in parliament. Even when the eight nominations that the constitution allows the president to appoint to parliament were added, the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) was still about 20 seats short of the two-thirds majority (111) needed to make changes to the constitution such as making it easier for the president to gain re-election and extending presidential terms. The former ruling party, the Patriotic Front (PF), won 60 seats while independent candidates secured a record 13 seats. To build the majority that his party was denied at the ballot, Hichilema has spent much of the last three and a half years stealing seats from the main opposition PF and independent lawmakers. To do this, he has abused state institutions such as the police and the judiciary, whose susceptibility to executive influence has enabled a record seven lawmakers to lose their parliamentary seats under dubious circumstances.

Despite these manoeuvres, Hichilema is yet to achieve a clear parliamentary majority, which he now hopes to secure through Bill 7 with three proposals. The first proposal is to create 55 new constituencies by dividing the existing ones into two or three constituencies based on a delimitation report that has been generated by his supporters in the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ). The report is yet to be made public, but sources in the electoral body disclosed that most of the constituencies that are earmarked for subdivision – such as Itezhi-tezhi and Namwala in Southern Province, Keembe in Central Province, Chongwe in Lusaka, Mufumbwe, Mwinilunga and Kasempa in Northwestern Province, and Senanga and Mulobezi in Western Province – are in in areas that have historically voted for Hichilema. Through gerrymandering, the president is hoping that his party will win most of these new seats, facilitating an even greater majority for the UPND and making it easier for it to make further changes to the constitution in the future.

The second proposal connected to this theme is the introduction of proportional representation that would see the creation of a total of 35 new parliamentary seats that are reserved for women (20 seats), youths (12), and persons with disabilities (3). No explanations have been offered on how these numbers were arrived at. Although the Bill says further mechanisms of how this proposal would work out will be spelt out in subsidiary legislation, it states that these seats will be distributed by the electoral body to political parties “in proportion to the total number of votes obtained by a political party on the proportional representation ballot”. Here, Hichilema is again confident that his party would receive the larger percentage of the votes on proportional representation for political parties and increase its overall majority in parliament.

The third proposal linked to this theme is the increase in the number of nominations to parliament that the constitution allows the president to make. At present, this number stands at 8 and has been like that since 1991. Hichilema is proposing to add two nominations to make it 10. Altogether, he is seeking, through Bill 7, to increase the total number of MPs from the current 164 to 256 in the hope that most of the new 92 seats would belong to his party, giving the president the elusive two-thirds majority that he has long sought and greater control over parliament. Should these proposals pass, they will therefore enable Hichilema to make further changes to the constitution after conducting either the by-elections that could be created by the passage of Bill 7 or the next general election.

Although no explanation has been offered for the proposed increase in the number of nominated members of the National Assembly, Hichilema’s administration has tendered two reasons for the first two proposals. According to the Minister of Justice, Princess Kasune Zulu, the decision to redraw constituency boundaries is meant to make them smaller, as some MPs have blamed their failure to deliver services and the high turnover at elections on the large size of their constituencies. This reason is misplaced because the constitutional role of MPs in Zambia is to make laws, not to deliver services – a responsibility of the local authorities.

The official justification for the proposed proportional representation is to guarantee seats for women, youths, and persons with disabilities in the National Assembly. This too is most unpersuasive. This is because Article 259 of the current Constitution already provides for the appointment of members of these groups to the National Assembly and other public bodies to promote inclusion and diversity. It states that “Where a person is empowered to make a nomination or an appointment to a public office, that person shall ensure: that fifty percent of each gender is nominated or appointed from the total available positions, unless it is not practicable to do so; and equitable representation of the youth and persons with disabilities, where these qualify for nomination or appointment.”

If women, youths, and persons with disabilities are currently underrepresented in the National Assembly and other public offices, the problem is not the Constitution, but the lack of respect for it by Hichilema and his officials who are empowered to make appointments. For instance, even though the Constitution calls for equal gender representation in public offices, only four of Hichilema’s 24 cabinet ministers are women, a contravention of the Constitution. To address electoral imbalances, the Constitution, as earlier stated, allows the president to nominate eight persons to parliament (all of whom could have been females and appointed to Cabinet), but Hichilema filled all the slots with older men except one, the 76-year-old Mutinta Mazoka. Only one of Hichilema’s ten provincial ministers is female, another violation of the Constitution. In the understanding of the UPND, proportional representation is meant to increase the participation of underrepresented minority groups in decision-making positions. Since women constitute the majority demographic in Zambia, the proposal to reserve 20 out of the 256 seats to them is not only an anomaly but also an attempt to water down the existing constitutional provisions on gender parity.

Hichilema has further made no appointments of either youth, constitutionally defined as someone between the ages of 18 and 35, or persons with disabilities to Cabinet, the National Assembly, or provincial ministerial leadership – a clear violation of the Constitution. Taken together, this concerning record shows that Hichilema is suffering from a disability of a mental kind: the incapacity to follow the Constitution. If the president cannot do what the Constitution currently demands of him, assuming he has read and understood it, why should anyone believe that the addition of 20 women, 12 youths, and 3 persons with disabilities – who will come from different political parties – is the missing cure to his demonstrated lack of respect for the Constitution? Insisting that only the law can cure a character flaw such as misogyny, or the lack of individual will to change for the better, is akin to having a lying or thieving president who insists that he or she cannot stop stealing or telling lies unless the national constitution is amended to provide for adequate provisions that encourage the truth and honesty.

It is also worth noting that the low number of women, youths, and persons with disabilities in parliament has little to do with the Constitution; it is a consequence of a long-standing patriarchal culture in the main political parties that does not favour the adoption of members of these groups during nominations for elective public office. For instance, both the UPND and the PF adopted the lowest number of female and youth parliamentary candidates in the 2021 general election. As detailed in nearly all the reports of different election observation missions, smaller opposition parties such as the Socialist Party and the Democratic Party had more women and youths than male parliamentary candidates in 2021. Hichilema and the UPND’s lack of respect for women, youths, and persons with disabilities is further illustrated by the fact that they have not adopted a single representative of these groups in any of the five parliamentary by-elections that have been held since the 2021 election. Only yesterday, the ruling party announced that it has adopted an older, non-disabled, male person as its candidate for the forthcoming Lumezi parliamentary by-election in Eastern Province. How does Hichilema hope to fix a problem on national scale that he has failed to address in his own party?

Based on current evidence, the problem of low representation of women is clearly not the law; it is entrenched patriarchy, which, for Hichilema, regularly finds public expression in his language and behaviour. Since the Constitution already provides for gender parity in public appointments and for the inclusion of marginalised groups such as persons with disabilities, what is needed is to enact subsidiary legislation that would give expression to these constitutional principles such as compelling political parties to adopt more women, youths, and persons with disabilities during elections. A more effective response is for UPND to take to parliament the earlier mentioned and long-awaited Political Parties Bill that can require all political parties contesting in a general election to ensure that at least fifty percent of their adopted candidates for all elective public positions are women, youths, and persons with disabilities. There is clearly no need to change the Constitution for the purpose of providing what is already provided for in the current law. Proportional representation is a ruse meant to hoodwink women, youths, and persons with disabilities into supporting Bill 7 based on the false premise that it advances their interests when, in fact, it does not.

Moreover, in the run-up to the 2021 election, Hichilema’s predecessor, Lungu, took to parliament a constitutional amendment bill, infamously known as Bill 10, which sought to increase the number of parliamentary constituencies through delimitation, introduce proportional representation for women, youths, and persons with disabilities, and to raise the number of nominations to parliament that the president is allowed to make. Ironically, Lungu used the same justifications that Hichilema and his officials are employing today in support of Bill 7. At the time, Hichilema commendably instructed his MPs to reject Bill 10 on the ground that the proposals represented a partisan rather than national exercise and were intended to help Lungu achieve a majority in parliament that the now former president was denied at the ballot. What has changed today? Why are the same proposals bad when presented by Lungu, but good when presented by Hichilema and the UPND?

Is there any principle or belief that Hichilema held prior to the 2021 election – and which earned him the support of many – that he has since not abandoned? What exactly does Hichilema really stand for? Is it even worth exposing his hypocrisy on different key issues since he appears to enjoy immunity from shame? Put differently, does Hichilema ever feel guilt, shame, or embarrassment for all the lies and horrible things he says and does? For even his most ardent supporters must concede that he is behaving disgracefully in power. It bothers me greatly that Zambia has a president who constantly tells lies and easily changes his position on many subjects whenever it is politically expedient but does not seem bothered by how this despicable conduct erodes public trust in his leadership. If Hichilema can feel shame, now would be a good time to start showing it in his actions, speech, and behaviour. Failure to do this, citizens with an active conscience may have to assume the burden of feeling embarrassed on his behalf, in addition to enduring the many hardships that his administration has unleashed on them. If God gave me an opportunity to ask Him only one question, it would be this: Mwelesa, bushe Hichilema mwamufumishe kwisa?

PRESIDENT HICHILEMA IS LIKE RAIN, HE FALLS EVERYWHERE – LUMEZI UPND ASPIRING CANDIDATE

May 27,2025

Lumezi-The United Party for National Development (UPND) aspiring candidate for Lumezi Constituency, Lufeyo Ngoma, has praised President Hakainde Hichilema for delivering equal opportunities to all Zambians across the 156 constituencies.

Speaking shortly before the adoption in Lumezi Constituency ahead of the forthcoming polls, Mr. Ngoma described President Hichilema as a “messiah” who rose to the occasion during the country’s worst drought last year.

He emphasized that no Zambian lost their life to hunger, thanks to the President’s swift and inclusive hunger response initiative.

“President Hichilema is like rain because he has fallen on everyone, he has made sure that no one died of hunger,” Mr. Ngoma stated.

He further highlighted that the implementation of Free Education and the Cash for Work programme has benefited even those who do not support the UPND.

Mr. Ngoma has since called on the people of Lumezi and the nation at large to rally behind the UPND government for the continued equitable distribution of national resources.

He noted that President Hichilema’s leadership has bridged the rural-urban development gap through consistent infrastructure development.

Mr. Ngoma added that the government’s focus on agriculture, youth empowerment, and healthcare is transforming lives in Lumezi and beyond.

He reaffirmed his commitment to representing the values of the UPND and ensuring that President Hichilema’s vision reaches every corner of Lumezi.

UPND MT

YOUR CONSTITUTION AND YOU CORNER

Lunte Lawmaker Hon. Mutotwe L. Kafwaya writes:::

ASSESS UPND’S CREDIBILITY ON DELIMITATION.

Why 55 more constituencies? Where are these constituencies.

For some of us who know that UPND cannot be trusted. We can just pass and speak louder of our long held conviction that UPND is both not credible and not accountable.

For those who still doubt this position, here is a tip for you to check them for those qualities;

UPND has published a constitutional amendment bill No. 7 of 2025 showing that they want to add fifty five (55) constituencies. Where has this number come from? Is this the number in the 2019 delimitation report from ECZ?

I challenge UPND to prove their credibility by first stating which delimitation report contains a recommendation of adding 55 constituencies and secondly publish that delimitation report for public consumption.

UPND cannot create constituencies before ECZ makes a report. And ECZ cannot go to manufacture a report after constituencies are created.

The latest ECZ report on delimitation which exists in this republic is the 2019 one. This is the only report that UPND could have used. Please UPND go ahead and publish the 2019 delimitation report so that people can confirm that the 55 constituency addition was recommended by ECZ.

Show that you’re not up-hazard in coming up with 55 constituency addition. Show some minimum credibility  and accountability for your own good, knowing that people everywhere now know you as a group of people that lacks integrity and accountability.

It may also help your image to tell the nation of where you got the recommendation to add 20 women, 12 youths and 3 people with disability. Which stakeholders made this recommendations? Kindly consider publishing these details.

Meanwhile the of Kazungula are really suffering. I went there, saw it for myself. CDF has failed to rehabilitate the Mulobezi/Livingstone rail line there. CDF has failed to make a road there. CDF has failed to take communication there. It is a disaster!

I come in peace.

Restoring EVERYTHING PATRIOTIC.
MK27.05.2025

CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT BILL: A THREAT TO ZAMBIA’S DEMOCRATIC INTEGRITY

Fellow Citizens,

The Constitution Amendment Bill recently proposed by the self-serving UPND government is not merely a set of technical adjustments it is a calculated and dangerous attempt to manipulate the very foundation of our democracy for narrow political gain.

At the heart of this scheme lies a direct assault on representative democracy. By removing the cap on nominated Members of Parliament under Article 68(2), the President would gain unchecked authority to appoint an unlimited number of MPs.

This dangerously opens the door to executive overreach, undermining the electorate’s will and creating a Parliament stacked through the backdoor.

Equally alarming is the proposed amendment to Article 52(6), which allows elections to proceed even if candidates have withdrawn or been disqualified.

This undermines the principle of fair competition, disenfranchises voters, and reduces our democracy to a mere procedural formality.

The proposed change to Article 81 to fix parliamentary terms irrespective of the first sitting may sound orderly, but it is riddled with ambiguity. What happens if Parliament is unable to convene due to national emergencies? This is not reform it is constitutional negligence.

Most troubling, however, is the secrecy surrounding the delimitation report. How can government push for the creation of new constituencies without disclosing the very report upon which this expansion is supposedly based?

Why hide it from the people? Is the plan to pass the new numbers first, then spring the new seats on us later engineered to favour the ruling party?

This lack of transparency is deeply disrespectful to the people of Zambia. It treats us not as equal citizens, but as children, expected to simply obey decisions made in the private residence of New Kasama. We say enough is enough.

Constitutional reform must be people-driven, not dictated by presidential whims. We must reject amendments that:

Expand unelected representation in Parliament;

Undermine electoral integrity and democratic competition;

Enable gerrymandering disguised as delimitation; and

Introduce tokenistic quotas without addressing systemic barriers.

This Amendment Bill is nothing short of a poisonous chalice sweetened with deceptive language like inclusivity and representation, but filled with intentions that corrode accountability, transparency, and democracy.

We, the people of Zambia, must rise and reject this Bill in its current form. Let us demand genuine, inclusive, and comprehensive constitutional reform driven by public consultation, transparency, and respect for the rule of law. Anything less insults our intelligence, our dignity, and our sovereignty.

Abraham Simpamba
Aspiring Independent Candidate – Chililabombwe Constituency
Together We Can
Ichalo Bantu!

LUFEYO NGOMA CEASED TO BE DC OF LUMEZI IN NOVEMBER 2024

Eastern Province Permanent Secretary Paul Thole says UPND Lumezi Parliamentary candidate Lufeyo Ngoma was not serving as Lumezi District Commissioner at the time of his adoption.

Addressing journalists in Chipata today, Mr THOLE said Mr Ngoma ceased to be District Commissioner last year  when his contract expired.

Mr Thole  said after the contract expired, Mr Ngoma  wrote to the government about his decision not to renew his contract.

According to Mr Ngoma’s letter dated 15 March 2025 addressed Eastern Province Permanent Secretary, he decided not to renew his contract that expired in  November last year in order to pursue professional and personal aspirations.

ZNBC

ZAMBIA AMONG OVER NINE COUNTRIES PARTICIPATING IN THE SUSTAINABLE INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT SYMPOSIUM IN SOUTH AFRICA

ZAMBIA is among over nine countries invited by the South African Government to participate in the Sustainable Infrastructure Development Symposium of South Africa 2025, which commenced today.

The symposium aims to bring together key stakeholders, experts, and decision-makers in infrastructure development.

Uganda, Ghana, the Kingdom of Swaziland, the Kingdom of Lesotho, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Namibia, Zambia among others

Minister of Local Government and Rural Development Gift Sialubalo, who will join other ministers from the invited countries, has arrived in Cape Town for the symposium, which will run until May 27, 2025.

The symposium will showcase infrastructure investment opportunities in both South Africa and the African continent to foster regional cooperation and integration, as envisioned by the Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa.

President Cyril Ramaphosa is expected to address the symposium on Tuesday, May 27, 2025, with numerous panel and technical discussions arranged for the ministers from various countries, in which Mr. Sialubalo will participate.

M&D

MINISTRY OF ENERGY

PRESS STATEMENT

Lusaka, Tuesday, 27th May 2025

PETROLEUM SECTOR SHOWING POSITIVE GAIN– PS MUMBA UPDATES PARLY COMMITTEE

The Ministry of Energy has reported positive developments in the petroleum sub-sector, following the operationalisation of the TAZAMA Pipeline Open Access Framework.
This was disclosed today by the Ministry’s Permanent Secretary–Technical Services, Mr. Peter Mumba, when he appeared before the Parliamentary Committee on Budget and Planning, chaired by Honourable Fred Chaatila, Member of Parliament for Moomba Constituency

Mr. Mumba explained that the implementation of the Open Access Framework—initially delayed due to outstanding government debts to Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs)—is now fully underway. He revealed that although the delays had triggered threats of legal action from a few OMCs, the resolution of these challenges has since enabled the country to begin realising tangible benefits, including a notable reduction in diesel pump prices. Premiums have dropped from USD 83 to USD 54 per metric tonne.

He further stated that new regulatory guidelines have been introduced to promote fairness, competition, and transparency among OMCs. So far, the Ministry has not received any formal complaints under the new structure, which Mr. Mumba said was an encouraging indicator of industry acceptance and compliance.

Turning to the electricity sub-sector, Mr. Mumba informed the Committee that load shedding is gradually reducing as water levels improve at major hydropower stations such as Kariba and Kafue Gorge. However, he cautioned that power generation is still constrained, with most plants operating below optimal capacity due to generally low reservoir levels.

To manage the available electricity supply, the Ministry has significantly reduced power exports—from over 500 megawatts to just above 100 megawatts—to prioritise domestic consumption. Nonetheless, minimal exports are continuing under binding regional contracts, while imports remain necessary to help meet national demand.

Mr. Mumba also highlighted growing local and international investor interest in Zambia’s electricity sector, especially in renewable and alternative energy ventures. He said this increased investor confidence is critical for long-term energy security, and the Ministry is working to translate these prospects into concrete projects to diversify the national energy mix.

On rural electrification, he raised concern over the poor workmanship by some local contractors under the Rural Electrification Authority (REA). He reaffirmed the Ministry’s commitment to empowering Zambian contractors but stressed the need for strict quality control to ensure rural communities receive reliable and sustainable energy services. Mr Mumba said the ministry was happy with the works of REA in the electrification of rural and remote parts of the country

The Ministry of Energy remains resolute in its efforts to build a robust, transparent, and inclusive energy sector that supports national development and improves the quality of life for all Zambians.

Issued by:

Bob Sianjalika (Mr)
Principal Public Relations Officer
MINISTRY OF ENERGY

“POWER GRAB IN PROGRESS: GOVT PLOTS ELITIST CONSTITUTIONAL COUP — OYV EXPLODES!”

In a scathing and unflinching critique, Operation Young Vote (OYV) has launched a blistering attack on the Zambian Government’s proposed constitutional amendments, branding them as “toxic,” “myopic,” and a betrayal of democratic values. The youth-led governance watchdog did not mince words, accusing political elites of orchestrating a self-serving legislative coup under the guise of reform.

Calling the amendments a “constitutional disaster in disguise,” OYV Executive Director Guess Nyirenda stated that the government’s move is not only illegitimate due to the absence of citizen consultation, but also alarmingly skewed toward protecting politicians’ interests over those of ordinary Zambians.

“The general citizenry will NOT benefit anything from the proposed constitutional amendments. In any case, the citizens will be the ones to continue suffering,” said Guess Nyirenda. “It’s deeply appalling that politicians want us to believe that their wellbeing equals the wellbeing of every Zambian. That is a dangerous lie.”

Among the most inflammatory provisions is a proposal to increase the number of Members of Parliament by over 100, a move OYV denounces as reckless and fiscally irresponsible, especially amid a national debt crisis and looming socio-economic uncertainty.

“This is a punch in the gut to struggling families. Instead of channeling resources to alleviate load-shedding, fund bursaries, or support SMEs, we are being asked to bankroll more politicians?” Nyirenda fumed.

OYV also tore into amendments related to the tenure and privileges of Cabinet Ministers and MPs. One change would allow them to remain in office for three months after Parliament is dissolved a loophole OYV believes is designed to weaponize incumbency.

“It’s nothing short of institutionalized political sabotage. It allows ruling elites to campaign from positions of power while others contest from the sidelines,” Nyirenda added.

The organisation further condemned proposed revisions to Article 52(6), warning that it opens the door to political manipulation where wealthy actors can allegedly buy off opposition candidates, leaving rival parties disenfranchised in critical by-elections.

“This is anarchic at best and an assassination of democracy at worst,” Nyirenda declared.

In what it describes as “a mockery of constitutionalism,” OYV revealed that 92.5% of the proposed changes are solely about politics and elections, with only a token 7.5% addressing definitions of children and youth.

“This is a deliberate strategy to entrench power among the elite while throwing crumbs to the masses,” the Executive Director charged.

OYV is now calling on citizens, civil society organisations, churches, traditional leaders, development partners, and even members of the ruling UPND to rise up and reject the proposed Bill 7.

“This amendment bill is not reform. It is regression, repression, and a red alert to all who value equity and accountability,” said Nyirenda.

The statement closes with a stark warning:

“Zambia is not in crisis because of elections or politicians. It is in crisis because of political arrogance, economic mismanagement, and constitutional manipulation. We must not allow greed to masquerade as governance.”

May 27, 2025
©️ KUMWESU

Only Double-Digit GDP Growth Can Transform Zambia — Haabazoka

…current growth rates just won’t cut it

By Amb. Anthony Mukwita

27 May 2025

Hot FM lived up to its name this morning as one of Zambia’s leading economists, Dr. Lubinda Haabazoka, delivered a no-nonsense economic blueprint for poverty reduction and long-term stability.

Speaking with trademark bluntness, Haabazoka dismissed the upbeat forecasts often pushed by politicians and so-called economic “soothsayers.”

His core message? Only double-digit GDP growth—between 10 to 20 percent annually—can produce real change for ordinary Zambians.

“Forget everything else. If we truly want to reduce poverty, the economy must grow in double digits. That’s how the Asian Tigers did it,” he said.

“Expecting transformation at 6 percent growth is wishful thinking. And let’s be clear—getting to double digits won’t happen overnight. It takes time.”

Haabazoka stressed the importance of policy continuity across administrations, urging leaders not to discard sound economic plans simply because they were conceived by previous governments.

In a statement likely to ignite debate, he gave the current government an 80 percent performance score—not for growth, but for instilling financial discipline.

“There’s more fiscal restraint now than under the previous administration, which plunged us into a debt trap,” he said.

Still, he acknowledged the former government’s role in using borrowed funds to deliver much-needed infrastructure—roads, hospitals, and bridges—that had been neglected since independence.

The economist praised the Hichilema administration for staying focused on economic fundamentals but called for urgent reforms, especially in energy and public finance.

“Government has restructured 95 percent of debt and shortened supplier payment periods. The downside is a visible liquidity crunch—you can feel it.

There’s less money in circulation,” he noted. “While painful now, it may help curb inflation in the long run.”

However, he decried Zambia’s sky-high interest rates, which hover around 34 percent, calling them untenable. “Rates must come down if we want people to borrow, invest, and drive GDP growth.”

Haabazoka urged the government to foster an enabling environment for job creation, small business growth, and export expansion—critical for boosting dollar earnings and strengthening the kwacha.

On agriculture, he predicted a sharp drop in maize meal prices, citing a bumper harvest of 3.6 million tonnes, thanks to good rains and consistent subsidies.

In energy, he encouraged President Hichilema to liberalize the sector by allowing private off-takers to supply directly to the national grid. “We can’t keep depending solely on ZESCO, which has underperformed,” he warned.

He also cautioned that load shedding won’t end soon, given Zambia’s surging population, projected to hit 30 million by 2030.

“More households mean more demand for electricity—which remains scarce despite the previous government doubling generation capacity from 1,200 MW between 2011 and 2020.”

These, dear readers, are just a few highlights from today’s economic masterclass by Prof. Haabazoka.

I may not agree with everything—but it certainly made for compelling listening, Yusuf Dodia on Diamond TV Online yesterday as we draw close to the polls in HOT FM Zambia

….
My book signing event, my latest instalment ‘China in Africa the Zambia story’, a must geopolitical take is on this weekend 31 May at East Park Mall, Grey Matter new funky store. I will sign a copy 😊 for you. It’s between 10-12pm.

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Catch the full conversation on Hot FM’s Facebook page.

Amb. Anthony Mukwita is a published author and international relations analyst.

Makebi Zulu Warns of Dangerous Power Grab as Government Seeks to Alter Constitution
May 26, 2025

Makebi Zulu Warns of Dangerous Power Grab as Government Seeks to Alter Constitution

Lusaka, Zambia
Prominent lawyer and former Member of Parliament, Makebi Zulu, has sharply criticized the Zambian government’s reported intentions to amend the constitution to expand presidential powers over parliamentary appointments. In a strongly worded statement, Zulu warned that bypassing the people in constitutional reform risks setting a dangerous precedent and eroding the democratic foundations of the nation.

Speaking on the matter, Zulu challenged the legitimacy of the proposal, arguing that the current constitutional limit on presidential appointees,capped at eight members of parliament has never been a subject of public discontent. He questioned why such a change is being considered now, suggesting the move is politically motivated rather than a response to national demand.

“You can’t have the President want to take away the question of appointment of nominees just to allow him to appoint as many as he wants to the National Assembly,” Zulu said. “No one has ever complained about that. Who has decided that this is a necessity in the current dispensation?”

His remarks come amid whispers of constitutional tinkering intended to remove key checks on executive authority. While the ruling party has yet to formally announce such amendments, insiders within legal and political circles have raised alarm over growing signs of centralized control and exclusion of civil discourse.

Zulu went further, asserting that any constitutional amendment that lacks public input cannot claim legitimacy. “Any amendment, if it has to be legitimate, has to start from the people. The constitution draws its legitimacy from the people,” he said. “If the people say no, and the government goes ahead and does it by hook or crook, then there’s no legitimacy that will accrue to that constitution.”

Legal experts have echoed Zulu’s concern, pointing to Zambia’s history of constitutional reform processes  both progressive and controversial. The most enduring efforts, they argue, have been those born from consensus and national dialogue, not executive directive.

Recent political trends have fueled unease over the direction of the country’s governance. Civic groups and opposition leaders have long expressed anxiety about the executive branch extending its reach into institutions that are meant to remain independent. The judiciary, the electoral commission, and parliament have all come under scrutiny in recent years for perceived biases or lack of autonomy.

Critics say that allowing the President unchecked powers to appoint MPs would only worsen matters, further eroding trust in the National Assembly’s ability to hold the executive accountable. With the balance of power already tilted heavily toward the presidency, such a move could reduce parliament to little more than a rubber stamp a danger in any democracy.

Constitutional law professor Mwansa Mulenga notes, “It’s not just about what the President can do, it’s about what future presidents might do with the same power. That’s why we must always be cautious when making fundamental changes to the nation’s legal framework.”

Meanwhile, civil society organizations have begun mobilizing to resist any such constitutional amendments that circumvent public consultation. Petitions, town halls, and community outreach efforts are reportedly in the works to ensure citizens are informed and involved in any process that might alter the nation’s founding document.

For Zulu, the warning is clear: The people must not be sidelined in shaping the laws that govern them. “Constitutional power comes from the will of the people,” he said. “Not the will of one man or one party.”

– Lusaka Times

USING CYBER LAWS TO OPPRESS ZAMBIANS IS MORDEN-DAY COLONIZATION – LUNGU

FORMER President Edgar Chagwa Lungu says the current laws are a betrayal of the freedoms the country was celebrating on Africa Freedom Day.

In a statement yesterday, Lungu said freedom must enable citizens to criticise the government’s mishandling of national affairs without punishment.

“Fellow Zambians at home and abroad, from yesterday, extending into today, we have been celebrating the Africa Freedom Day.

This is the day on which we celebrate our liberation from colonial masters. This day is a powerful reminder of our collective struggle against colonialism, oppression and injustice.

It is indeed a day that reminds us that the freedom we enjoy today was not handed to us but was fought for at a great cost.

Fellow Zambians at home and abroad,

From yesterday, extending into today, we have been celebrating the Africa Freedom Day. This is the day on which we celebrate our liberation from colonial masters. This day is a powerful reminder of our collective struggle against colonialism, oppression and injustice.

It is indeed a day that reminds us that the freedom we enjoy today was not handed to us but was fought for at a great cost, by our brave and courageous forefathers and mothers who believed in justice and equality.

Unlike other African nations, Zambia is heir to a proud legacy of liberators who stood at the centre of the Africa Freedom Movement. Today, we should honor this history not only with words but also with renewed commitment to defend the freedoms for which our forefathers sacrificed everything.

Fellow country men and women, on this important day, we must ask ourselves what the freedom we are celebrating today means to us, collectively and individually.

This freedom must mean the ability for our people to speak freely without fear, to criticize the government’s mishandling of national affairs without punishment and organize – politically and otherwise – without facing any form of harassment.

While recognizing the importance of safeguarding our nation’s digital threats of all forms in the cyberspace, using the cyber security laws to surveil, silence or suppress citizens is the worst form of modern day colonialism.

Fellow country men and women, we must draw clear distinction between oppression and security because the Zambia we are living in today now has laws that are a betrayal to the very freedoms we are celebrating. These laws now intimidate journalists and citizens in general, into silence. Activists are being arrested while opposition voices are censored.

However, let me remind you that the true spirit of Africa Freedom Day calls us to speak out not only against the colonial chains of yesterday but the chains of injustice and oppression that we face today.

Therefore, I would like to further remind my fellow opposition leaders that we are not the enemies of our land but the conscience of this great nation. So, we must defend the constitutional rights of Zambians by speaking out against vices that threaten the very fabric of our democracy and freedoms as a people. Let us continue to call for reforms that protect free expressions, restore dignity of public and governance institutions and ensure that the government of the day upholds the rule of law.

To the youth who are the backbone of every nation, remember that you are the inheritors of not only this country but this great continent of Africa and the world at large. You should not let anyone make you believe that your voices and opinions are small because freedom belongs to you, too.

Mwemisepela, this day should not be reduced to a mere public holiday. Let it be a call to action, to reject oppression and injustice in all its forms. Call for unity of purpose beyond party lines to reclaim your true independence. Always remember that you are a people that is fully in charge of your own destiny.

May the memory of Africa’s heroes and heroines from north to south and east to west embolden us all. May their unwavering sacrifices inspire us all and may their spirits continue to guide us all in everything we do.

God bless Zambia.
God bless Africa.
Happy Africa Freedom Day.

Dr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu
Sixth President of Zambia
Tonse Alliance Chairman

Legal Expert Warns: 2025 Constitution Amendment Bill Could Pave Way for Life Presidency in Zambia

By Staff Reporter

A respected constitutional advocate has sounded the alarm over Zambia’s proposed 2025 Constitution Amendment Bill, warning that it could legally enable a sitting President to remain in power indefinitely, without the need to amend the two-term limit directly.

According to Rev. Dr. Kelvin Mugala, a legal scholar and advocate for constitutional integrity, the proposed amendments are crafted with enough legal ambiguity to quietly undermine Zambia’s long-standing democratic safeguards chief among them, the presidential term limit enshrined in Article 106.

One of the most troubling changes lies in the redefinition of a “term of office” under Article 266. The Bill now defines a term as the period from the first sitting of Parliament after a general election to the date when Parliament is dissolved—departing from the traditional five-year calendar-based definition.

Dr. Mugala warns that this change detaches the presidential term from clear timeframes, allowing future leaders to argue that a previous term was not a “full term,” and therefore shouldn’t count toward the two-term limit.

“This redefinition introduces legal room to reset the term clock,” said Dr. Mugala. “A sitting President could argue that they served only a partial term or that their earlier service was under a different legal structure, effectively allowing them to contest again.

He further explains that this tactic has been used in several other African nations to extend leadership beyond constitutional limits—often under the guise of legal technicalities rather than outright repeal of term limits.

More concerning is the absence of clear transitional clauses in the Bill. Dr. Mugala notes that the amendments fail to clarify how past terms should be treated under the new framework, leaving the interpretation to the courts, which may be influenced by political pressure.

“This omission is not accidental,” he cautioned. “Without protective clauses, the courts could be used to legitimize an unconstitutional extension of power. This is legal manipulation disguised as reform.”

The Bill also proposes expanding Parliament by 92 seats, including nominated and party-list members. Dr. Mugala fears this could be used to fill the legislature with loyalists, turning it into a rubber stamp for future constitutional changes that may completely remove term limits.

“A bloated and politically loyal Parliament is a dangerous tool in the hands of any leader seeking to entrench themselves,” he said. “It becomes easier to pass self-serving amendments under the illusion of democracy.”

Despite the Bill not stating “life presidency” in black and white, Dr. Mugala insists that the pieces are all strategically placed to allow such an outcome through legal interpretation and political manipulation.

He urges Zambians to look beyond the surface and recognize the long-term implications of these changes. “Democracy is not always overthrown by force,” he said. “Sometimes it is chipped away clause by clause, definition by definition until it collapses from within.”

Dr. Mugala has however called on civil society, legal bodies, and ordinary citizens to reject the proposed amendment in its current form and demand greater transparency, clear legal safeguards, and true respect for constitutional integrity.

May 27, 2025
©️ KUMWESU

CONSTITUTION AMENDMENTS ARE LIKE SUGAR IN POIS0N – UBZ

….as opposition political party calls on all Zambians to rise and defend their constitutional rights by rejecting the proposed amendments

Lusaka… Tuesday May 27, 2025

The United for Better Zambia (UBZ) Party has strongly condemned the UPND government’s proposed constitutional amendments, likening them to “putting sugar in p0ison and asking pøør Zambians to drink it.

UBZ Party President, Apostle Hector Soondo, says the constitutional reform drive is a calculated move to divert public attention from the government’s failure to deliver on key developmental promises, particularly the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) and the much-publicized ‘Cash for Work’ programme.

“What President Hichilema is doing to the Constitution is nothing short of deceptiøn. It is like adding sugar to p0ison and asking the pøør to drink it. These amendments do not address the economic hardships Zambians are facing under his leadership,” said Apostle Soondo.

He added that while the economy continues to decline and Zambians remain unpaid for government labour programmes, the President is choosing to focus on constitutional changes instead of solving pressing economic issues.

“Today, even the so-called ‘Cash for Work’ initiative has collapsed. Our people have gone for two months without being paid for their labour. This is unacceptable,” he stated.

The UBZ Party is calling on all Zambians to rise and defend their constitutional rights by rejecting the proposed amendments, which Apostle Soondo believes are intended to consolidate political power rather than serve national interests.

“Bill 10 failed under the previous regime, and this attempt must also fail. We urge Members of Parliament to stand with the people and protect the Constitution from manipulation,” he concluded.

THE ADOPTION OF LUFEYO NGOMA FOR LUMEZI A CLEAR RESPECT FOR THE PEOPLE OF LUMEZI __ MBEBA

UPND Lundazi District official Mr Dawood Dackson Timangale Mbeba commonly known as Tims has thanked President Hakainde Hichilema and the UPND National Management Committee for adopting Lufeyo Ngoma as the candidate for Lumezi Constituency.

He said it was clear that the President and the party respect the wish and will of the people on the Ground.

Mr Mbeba who is a prominent musician in Lundazi has congratulated Mr Lufeyo Ngoma and asked him to build on his long time legacy of respect for others and deliver for the people of Lumezi when given the opportunity by the people.

(C) UPND MEDIA TEAM

Dr. Edgar Lungu Criticizes Government Over Erosion of Freedoms on Africa Freedom Day.

In a strongly-worded Africa Freedom Day statement, Zambia’s Sixth President and Tonse Alliance Chairman, Dr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu, has raised alarm over what he described as a growing erosion of fundamental freedoms and democratic values in the country. Addressing fellow Zambians at home and abroad, Dr. Lungu urged citizens to reflect on the true meaning of freedom beyond ceremonial celebrations.

The former head of state reminded the nation that Africa Freedom Day commemorates the collective struggle against colonial rule, a struggle which, he said, should inspire citizens to challenge modern forms of oppression

“This day is a powerful reminder of our collective struggle against colonialism, oppression and injustice,” Dr. Lungu stated. “Freedom was not handed to us. It was fought for at a great cost by our brave and courageous forefathers and mothers.”

Dr. Lungu emphasized Zambia’s historic role as a cornerstone of the African liberation movement and called on the nation to renew its commitment to defending freedoms won through sacrifice.

In a pointed critique of the current administration, Dr. Lungu accused the government of weaponizing cybersecurity laws to stifle dissent and curtail freedoms of expression and assembly.

“Using the cyber security laws to surveil, silence or suppress citizens is the worst form of modern-day colonialism,” he said. “The Zambia we are living in today now has laws that are a betrayal to the very freedoms we are celebrating.”

He expressed concern over increasing cases of journalist intimidation, censorship of opposition voices, and the arrest of activists, calling these developments a direct contradiction of Africa Freedom Day’s ideals.

Dr. Lungu also addressed the role of the opposition, asserting that they are not enemies of the state but “the conscience of this great nation.” He urged fellow opposition leaders to remain resolute in speaking out against injustices and advocating for reforms that uphold constitutional rights and restore integrity to public institutions.

In his message to the youth, Dr. Lungu encouraged young Zambians not to underestimate their power and role in shaping the country’s destiny. “Freedom belongs to you, too,” he said. “Do not let anyone make you believe that your voices and opinions are small.”

He concluded by urging all Zambians to transform Africa Freedom Day into a call to action, transcending political divides in pursuit of justice, unity, and true independence.

“Let us reject oppression and injustice in all its forms. Always remember that you are a people fully in charge of your own destiny,” he said.

The statement comes at a time of heightened political tension in the country, with growing debate over the balance between national security and civil liberties.

May 27, 2025
©️ KUMWESU
By Kumwesu Media Newsroom
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