The same way we convinced MPs to support Bill 7 is the same way we will convince Zambians in 2026 – UPND

The United Party for National Development (UPND) says the same approach it used to rally Members of Parliament to support Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 7 of 2025, will be employed to win the confidence of Zambians ahead of the 2026 General Elections.

UPND Deputy Secretary General, Gertrude Imenda, says the party remains confident that its policies and consultative governance style will resonate with citizens across the country.

Ms. Imenda says the support from opposition Members of Parliament during the passage of Bill 7, demonstrates that national interest can supersede party affiliation when leaders are presented with policies that benefit the people.

Speaking in an interview with RCV News in Lusaka today, Ms. Imenda explained that MPs who voted in favour of the Bill did so after appreciating its long-term benefits to the country.

“Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 7 should not be viewed as a UPND-driven agenda, but as legislation designed to serve the interests of all Zambians,” said Ms. Imenda.

Ms. Imenda further expressed confidence that the same level of consultation and engagement that led to the successful passage of Bill 7 will guide the party’s interaction with citizens as it prepares for the 2026 General Elections.

She added that the UPND remains committed to inclusive governance and issue-based politics.

-RCV

Catholic church didn’t say no to Bill 7, it’s individuals – SME minister

SMALL and Medium Enterprise Development minister Elias Mubanga says the notion that the Catholic Church spoke against the passing of Bill 7 is wrong because according to him, it’s not the church that were against the proposed law but selected individuals.

Yesterday, Bill 7 passed both the Second and Third Readings, with all 135 Members of Parliament present voting in favour of the Bill at Third Reading.

The results from both the second and third readings met the constitutional two-thirds threshold.

Earlier, the Bill had passed Second Reading stage with 131 MPs voting in support, two voting against and none abstaining.

The Bill now awaits the President’s assent to become law.

Speaking shortly after the passing of the Bill at the National Assembly yesterday, Mubanga said the Catholic Church should not be dragged in the mud as the views of the those that were speaking against the Bill did not represent the views of the entire church as a whole.

He said even pastors and bishops from other churches that were voicing out their concerns, did so in their own capacities and their views did not represent their churches.

“We have some individuals from the Catholic Church who spoke against the Bill, people from the Pentecostal Church, they spoke against the Bill. It’s individual members. The issue of saying the church said no to Bill 7 is wrong. It’s just few members of the church that said no and that should not be married with the church,” he said.

Mubanga said the passing of Bill 7 also shows Zambians that no matter how vocal they may be, it is only parliament that makes laws after consultations.

By Catherine Pule

Kalemba, December 16, 2025

CONCOURT DISMISSES APPLICATION TO STOP BILL 7

THE Constitutional Court has dismissed an application seeking a conservatory order to halt the process and substance of Constitution Amendment Bill No. 7

The application was filed by the Law Association of Zambia and five other petitioners, who sought to stay the constitutional amendment process.

Confirming the development to Diamond News, defence counsel Linda Kasonde stated that the court ruled the matter had been overtaken by events.

However, Ms. Kasonde said the decision is still under review by the petitioners.

LAZ and the five other applicants had returned to the Constitutional Court seeking to renew their application for an interim conservatory order to stop the amendment process.

In response, Attorney General Mulilo Kabesha and Technical Committee Vice Chairperson Dr. Lindalani Banda argued that the renewed application was procedurally flawed and had been filed after an inordinate and unjustifiable delay.

The petitioners include the Law Association of Zambia, the Non-Governmental Organisations Coordinating Committee for Gender and Development (NGOCC), the three church mother bodies, the Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia (EFZ), the Council of Churches in Zambia (CCZ), the Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops (ZCCB), as well as LCK Freedom Foundation Limited, operating under the Oasis Forum.

The group sued the State on 17th November 2025, seeking, among other reliefs, an order to quash all acts, consultations, findings, recommendations, and draft Bills produced by the Technical Committee on Constitution Amendments.

Meanwhile, 135 Members of Parliament yesterday voted in favour of Bill 7 at Third Reading, with the President expected to assent to the Bill within 21 days.

Diamond TV

Upgrade MPs’ titles to most or right honourable for voting in favour of Bill 7 – ZCTU

MEMBERS of Parliament who voted yes for Bill 7 should have their titles upgraded from ‘honourable’ to ‘most or right honourable’ because their actions mark a historic turning point for our country says Zambia Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) president, Blake Mulala. .

Mulala noted that MPs demonstrated courage and responsibility by rising above insults, division and political pressure to act in national interest.

Speaking when he addressed journalists this morning, Mulala said that lawmakers showed true leadership by maintaining law and order during the tense debate and ensuring that the will of the people was expressed through Parliament.

“If it was within our power as Congress, their titles would be changed from honourables to the most honourables, because they acted positively at the time when they were mostly needed,” said Mulala.

“What they have done is historic, they ensured the process went smoothly and that the will of the people was manifested through parliament,” he said.

Mulala stressed that ZCTU’s support on Bill 7 was based on wide consultations within the labour movement, noting that unions cannot be separated from political matters because government policies directly affect workers.

He also urged government to engage those who opposed the Bill and ensure transparency, inclusiveness and respect for democratic values as implementation move forward.

“We cannot shut up as a union and that will never happen. Bill 7 is a milestone and must be welcomed by all those who mean well. Those who don’t agree with our opinion should atleast respect our position, you don’t attack others all because you want them to side with you,” he stated..

He emphasised that the union will remain vocal in defending workers’ rights, democratic governance and the interests of youths, women and persons with disabilities.

Mulala added that the passage of Bill 7 marked a new dawn for Zambia’s Parliament and called on all stakeholders to respect differing opinions while working together for the country’s progress.

“We shall continue to speak, consult, and act in the interest of the people. That is the role of a labour movement, and history will remember it,” added Mulala.

By Sharon Zulu

Kalemba December 16, 2025

EX-PF BOSS MWILA REPORTED TO POLICE FOR HATE SPEECH

FORMER Tourism Minister William Harrington has officially reported former Patriotic Front Secretary General Davies Mwila to the police for his recent racist and tribal remarks about the party’s acting president Given Lubinda.

Speaking to The Mast in an interview, Harrington said tribal and racist remarks should not be tolerated in the country and all promoting the vice must be dealt with according to the law.

“By way of an update, I can confirm that I have indeed lodged a complaint against one Davies Mwila following his discriminatory racist and hate speech against Given Lubinda,” Harrington said.

“As I had previously mentioned, it is a serious criminal offence for any citizen to harass another based on one’s race, colour, creed and indeed religion,” he said

Harrington said he had deemed it necessary and expedient to take the course of action because Mwila expressed conduct which was a serious breach of the Constitution of Zambia and criminal offence under Section 70 of the Penal Code.

He said Mwila’s utterances were totally unacceptable in this generation day and age 61 after gaining independence from colonial rule.

“Our founding fathers fought against racism of the colonial era and racism must be fought against today wherever and whenever it raises its ugly head. It must be nipped in the bud in the interest of present and future generations,” Harrington said.

He said laws should be applied equally against anyone who committed a crime.

Harrington challenged the law enforcement agencies to ensure that the Constitution was protected and that all citizens, particularly those who broke the law, were held accountable.

“I note that one Dr Dan Pule has been found with a case to answer in a similar case of expressing tribal hatred, and so I expect our law enforcement agents to do the needful without any fear or favour,” Harington said.

Mwila was reported by some media outlet as saying Lubinda did not qualify to lead the PF because of his racial background.

News Diggers

ABSENT MPs ABANDONED ZAMBIANS AT THE ALTAR OF DEMOCRACY

David T. Zyambo | 16 December 2025

On Monday, December 15, 2025, history was made in the National Assembly. This was no chronicle of triumph; it was a record of profound democratic failure. With the adoption of the Constitution of Zambia Amendment Bill No. 7 of 2025, the very architecture of our nation was fundamentally altered. While 135 voices affirmed these controversial changes, a deeper and more agonizing betrayal lies in the silence that followed.

It is the betrayal of the empty seat.

On a day that cemented amendments threatening to centralize power and force taxpayers to fund a bloated Parliament, the record must be clear: those who chose to be absent are, in the moral calculus of democracy, just as culpable as those who voted “Yes.” In the court of public opinion, every vacant seat represents a Member of Parliament who failed the basic reason for their existence—representation.

When the foundation of a republic is being redefined, an MP’s presence is not a choice—it is a sacred duty. The social contract between the voter and the politician demands that, regardless of the certainty of defeat, the representative must stand, speak, and be counted. The Zambian people did not elect ghosts; they elected advocates, fighters, and custodians of the national interest.

To the opposition MPs who were conspicuously absent: whether you label your departure a “boycott” or a “protest,” it was not a brave act of resistance. It was an act of political cowardice. You were not sent to the National Assembly to retreat when the heat intensified; you were sent to document dissent and ensure that every point of disagreement was etched into the official record. By withdrawing, you did not protest the system—you surrendered your mandate to it.

This failure is even more damning when one considers that a majority of the Opposition actually voted with the government. For those absent MPs who claim to be the true leaders and influencers of the Opposition in parliament, this was your moment to lead. Had you been in the Chamber, you could have appealed to the conscience of your colleagues and rallied a unified front. Instead, by absconding, you left the door wide open for fragmentation and gave your peers no alternative but to follow the majority’s path.

This dereliction of duty carries three devastating consequences that have effectively rewritten the narrative of our democracy:

* The Erasure of Dissent: By staying away, you allowed the parliamentary record to appear deceptively unified. With 135 votes in favor and only two “No” votes, history will reflect a lopsided consensus rather than a hard-fought debate. You effectively legitimized the passage of a deeply controversial bill that you claimed to oppose, turning a contested moment into an unchallenged victory for the majority.

* The Abandonment of the Constituents: The thousands of citizens—the farmers, teachers, and traders who elected you to guard against executive overreach—were left entirely undefended. In the hour they required a shield, they found only an empty chamber. You did not just fail to win the vote; you failed to show up for the very people who gave you a voice, leaving them voiceless at the most critical moment in our democratic history.

* The Gift of a Free Pass: You made the majority’s job effortless. By removing yourselves from the Chamber, you eliminated the need for robust floor debate, suppressed public scrutiny, and cleared every obstacle toward the constitutional threshold required for passage. You did not block the way; you paved the road. In your attempt to “boycott” the process, you became its greatest enabler, gifting the government a path of least resistance to rewrite our national soul.

An MP is not a mere observer in a political drama; they are an agent of the people. To sit out the match when the soul of the nation is on the line is an unforgivable forfeit.

The cost of this silence must be paid—not merely in the currency of public scorn, but at the ballot box. Whether these individuals seek reelection as Members of Parliament or aspire to the Presidency, they have disqualified themselves from the mantle of leadership. The Zambian people will remember who stood their ground and who retreated to the shadows. In the final tally, these absent members did more than just lose a vote; they surrendered the right to ever claim they fought for us.

UPND subs Kantenga, goes for Muunda in Chawama by-election

LESS than 24 hours after being announced as UPND’s Chawama parliamentary candidate, Timothy Kantenga has been dropped, with Morgan Muunda stepping in at the last minute as the preferred candidate.

This follows Kantenga’s technical disqualification during the verification of Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) requirements which revealed that aspiring candidate became a registered voter last year and his name does not appear on the current Chawama voter’s poll.

According to UPND chairperson for elections and campaigns Gary Nkombo, the party acted swiftly to avoid potential procedural challenges ahead of the by-election.

Nkombo explained that the decision was taken in the best interest of the party and to ensure compliance with electoral rules

“We have all just been going through the voter registration, and after the pronouncement and upon verification of documents, we then discovered that he is indeed a voter but was only registered…last year, which means his name is not contained in the current voters’ roll, presenting a disqualification,” Nkombo said.

He extended an apology for the oversight to the public.

“We spoke with the candidate and he graciously bowed down, which is why he is here this afternoon to offer solidarity to the next person we have settled for.”

“Allow me to officially announce the variation we have made as UPND: the party will use Morgan Muunda as the one to carry the UPND flag in this competition,” Nkombo said.

Nkombo stressed that according to the ECZ, only individuals who are registered voters in Chawama, whose names appear on the current voters’ roll, and who participated in the 2021 General Elections in the constituency, are qualified to contest the by-election.

Kantenga then publicily endorsed Muunda, urging party members and supporters to rally behind him.

“As you heard yesterday in my acceptance speech, I did say that we are disciples of our President and as a party, we are not void or devoid of leaders. It is for this reason that I endorse Muunda as incoming MP for Chawama constituency,” he said.

And accepting the nomination, Muunda thanked the part for their confidence and promised to focus on addressing the pressing community issues.

“My priorities will include improving access to clean water and sanitation, and ensuring the effective utilisation of the K40 million Constituency Development Fund (CDF) to improve the livelihoods of the people,” stated Muunda.

By Sharon Zulu

Kalemba December 16, 2025

ZAMBIA’S PARLIAMENT PASSES BILL 7: A SIGNAL OF NATIONAL CONSENSUS AND DEMOCRATIC PROGRESS

By Rodrick Chisani Ng’andu – Kafue

Zambia’s Parliament has passed the Constitution (Amendment) Bill No. 7, a development that has drawn national attention not only because of the substance of the Bill, but also because of the rare show of unity it received across the political divide.

Notably, the Bill was passed with support from both the ruling party and some opposition Members of Parliament. In a political environment often characterised by sharp partisan differences, this outcome sends a powerful message about the importance of placing national interest above party lines.

What the Passage of Bill 7 Means

The passage of Bill 7 signifies a moment of political maturity and institutional strength. When opposition MPs vote alongside the government on a constitutional amendment, it reflects acknowledgment that certain reforms are necessary for the good of the country, regardless of political affiliation.

This cross-party support enhances the legitimacy of the Bill and reassures citizens that Parliament is capable of consensus-building on key national issues. It also demonstrates respect for the parliamentary process, where debate, dissent, and eventual agreement are all part of democratic governance.

Positive and Expected Benefits of Bill 7

Bill 7 is intended to address long-standing constitutional and governance challenges. Among its anticipated benefits are:

1.. Improved Representation

The Bill seeks to realign representation with Zambia’s growing population. By increasing and restructuring constituencies, citizens in rapidly growing areas are expected to have better access to representation and more effective advocacy in Parliament.

2. Strengthening Democratic Governance

Through proposed constitutional refinements, Bill 7 aims to strengthen democratic institutions by clarifying procedures that have previously caused uncertainty, particularly around elections and governance timelines. Clear rules help reduce conflict and promote stability.

3. Inclusive Political Participation

Supporters of the Bill argue that it lays the groundwork for a more inclusive political system, with improved prospects for representation of women, youths, and other underrepresented groups in governance structures.

4. Electoral Certainty and Stability

By addressing ambiguities in electoral and constitutional processes, Bill 7 is expected to contribute to smoother electoral cycles, reduced litigation, and increased public confidence in democratic outcomes.

5. National Unity and Confidence

Perhaps most importantly, the manner in which the Bill was passed sends a strong signal of unity. At a time when citizens expect leadership that prioritises development and stability, bipartisan support fosters confidence in Parliament as a national institution.

A Broader National Message

The passing of Bill 7 underscores that democracy is not merely about opposing for the sake of opposition, nor governing for the sake of power. It is about dialogue, compromise, and making decisions that shape the nation’s future.

While debate around the Bill has been robust  as is expected with any constitutional amendment  its passage highlights Zambia’s continued commitment to constitutional order, parliamentary supremacy, and democratic evolution.

As the country looks ahead, the true test of Bill 7 will lie in its implementation and in ensuring that its objectives translate into tangible benefits for ordinary Zambians.

For now, its passage stands as a defining parliamentary moment  one that reflects cooperation, responsibility, and hope for a stronger democratic Zambia.

This is my personal view on the Bill 7 passed by the Zambian parliament

There is only one President in PF and that is Given Lubinda.

The Patriotic Front Constitution only provides for an Acting President when the substantive President cannot perform the functions of President due to absence or incapacity. In this case, there is no absence or incapacity as the substantive President who was Edgar Chagwa Lungu died in June, 2025.

At the moment of his death, Given Lubinda was Acting as President as the substantive President was absent from Zambia. Immediately after President Edgar Chagwa Lungu died, Given Lubinda automatically became President of the PF and ceased to be Acting. From June 2025, Given Lubinda is the substantive President who can fire or hire at will until the next PF National Conference.

The PF Constitution endows on a President enormous powers to even dissolve and reconstitute the Central Committee. Those calling Given Lubinda Acting President have not read the PF Constitution. The only time the Secretary-General acts as President is when the President vacates office through removal for grounds set out in the Constitution.

This was the case in 2015 when Guy Scott was removed and President Edgar Chagwa Lungu acted until the next National Conference that elected him President in 2015. To this end, every rank and file must abide by the Constitution of PF and recognize that until the next National Conference, Given Lubinda is the President and not Acting as President of PF.

To this end, I call upon President Given Lubinda to exercise leadership and expel all PF MPs that voted for Bill No. 7 of 2025. We will not have the party if we condone treacherous and treasonous conduct among our rank and file.

Those expelled may remain as MPs due to Government Backing but in our eyes they should be seen and remain expelled as such. The office of the Secretary-General must also identify capable members of the PF to replace and challenge those sellouts in 2026.

Joseph Chirwa
Kasenengwa MP 2026

PF COULD GO THE WAY OF UNIP AND MMD, MEMBERS MUST FIND A NEW HOME

A KBN TV EDITORIAL

Now that the dust has settled, we can freely advise, hoping that someone will take heed. We have noticed how some members of the estranged PF have expressed shock at some of their members who voted in favour of Bill 7.

If we were to be brutally honest, this shock hasn’t started today. Although credit must be given to the general membership across the country, the same can’t be said about the PF leadership that has failed to live with itself.

Today’s voting pattern was a glaring and shocking manifestation of a lie that has been masked and entertained within the party’s rank and file. Since August 2021, PF as a party have lived in denial, they have never accepted the fact that they lost elections to President Hakainde Hichilema.

With their own miscalculation and blind loyalty,  they lost control of the party to Miles Sampa and later to Chabinga, both of whom are highly suspected to have been used as pawns by an invisible hand in a well schemed power grab.

Todate, many people within the embattled former ruling party have been arguing that PF is the biggest opposition outfit with 57 Members of Parliament.

Well, this claim had to be put to a stern test, and it had to take Bill 7 to reveal just how the lines have become blurry between the ruling party and opposition in the National Assembly. The verdict is out, PF is just big on paper. In principle, the gatekeepers have runaway.

Over 30 PF MPs voted in favour of the Bill despite having committed publicly and signed an agreement made available to the OASIS Forum that they would reject Bill 7 on the floor of the House.

This must be a huge lesson and a wake-up call to the remnant PF leadership that they can never use the number of MPs to claim a lion share anymore on the opposition negotiation table. PF has been cut to size and their followers are now like sheep without a shepherd.

If PF doesn’t learn from this incident and reorganise themselves to forge meaningful partnerships with other opposition outfits, they will look back and regret their current posture of bullish arrogance.

With Parliament set to dissolve in exactly five months and delimitation a definite reality, PF MPs are assured of a constituency and guaranteed adoption by the UPND administration.

Unfortunately for the PF leadership,  they can’t discipline or even expel any of the defiant MPs as they lack the legal backing to do so with Chabinga firmly in control of the party whether legally or illegally.

Considering the leadership wrangles at their peak, the PF general membership are open for everyone’s taking.  They won’t wait for a selfish leadership that has lost its way and can’t discern the time and what is required to be done.

Our recommendation is that the PF general membership must move fast and find a new home now that elections are around the corner. PF could just be beyond redemption like UNIP and MMD.

COMPLAINT TO ACC ABOUT THE BRIBING OF CERTAIN MPS

Tuesday, 16th December 2025

Mrs. Daphne Pauline Soko Chabu
The Director General
Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC)
Anti Corruption House,
Cha Cha Cha Road,
Lusaka,
P.O. Box 50486.
infor@acc.gov.zm

RE; BRIBERY ALLEGATIONS OF MPS

I write with deep concerns that have risen that agents or representatives of President Hakainde Hichilema, President of the Republic of Zambia, have in the past few days given gifts, presents, cash gifts and in some instances extended threats of arrests to Members of Parliament in their capacity as public officials, with intent to influence the outcome of the vote of proposed constitutional amendments as contained in the National Assembly Bill No. 7 of 2025, that was coming up for Second Reading and Committee Stage during a Special Session of Parliament called to sit on Monday 15th December 2025.

I write to you in your capacity as Director General of rhe Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), the lead statutory body mandated to spearhead the fight against corruption as governed by the Anti-Corruption Act No. 3 of 2012

BACKGROUND

In May 2025, Constitution Amendment Bill No. 7 of 2025, proposing major electoral and governance changes, including the dramatic increase of the number of MPs in Parliament from 165 to 226(upto 266) was brought to the floor of the House for First Reading.

This matter generated immediate public interest with strong public disapproval and objection as the proposed constitutional amendments did not go through the known and established process of enacting a new or amended Constitution.

Key stakeholders such as the main Church Mother Bodies comprising; the Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops (ZCCB), Council of Churches in Zambia (CCZ), Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia (EFZ).

The Bill was also met with strong opposition from the Law Association of Zambia.

A consortium of over 20 Civil Society Groupings led by Chapter One Foundation raised similar deep concerns.

CONSTITUTIONAL COURT JUDGMENT AGAINST BILL 7

On 27th June 2025, the Constitutional Court declared the Bill unconstitutional, illegal, and a nullity.

This was in the case of Munir Zulu & Celestine Mukandila vs. Attorney General), declared that the process did not have legal framework and had not met the criteria for public consultation and  ruled that the proposed Constitution amendments through the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill No. 7 of 2025 was null and void.

TECHNICAL COMMITTEE

To respond to the Constitutional Court Ruling, President Hakainde Hichilema appointed a Technical Committee on Constitutional Amendments (TCCA) in October 2025 to review and propose changes to Zambia’s constitution after with the 25-member body tasked to undertake nationwide consultations to gather diverse views for a new constitutional amendment bill.

President Hichilema gave the Committee a short period of about 30 days to gather, collect and process a Report and Draft Constitution.

However, he did not provide for a legal framework for the work.

For this reason, the method reactivated fresh opposition as the process was not being followed as directed amd laid out by the Ruling of the Constitutional Court.

ILLEGAL REINSTATEMENT OF BILL 7

On 2nd December 2025, President Hakainde Hichilema received the Report and Draft Constitution from the Technical Committee on Constitutional Amendment.

Instead of submitting the report to Cabinet for determination and processing for onward submission to Parliament as a new Bill, he shelved the report smd draft constitution.

SPEAKER APPOINTS A SELECT COMMITTEE

Instead of receiving a new Bill, the Speaker of the National Assembly, Hon.Nelly Mutti, relived the old bill, declared illegal by the Constitutional Court, and appointed a Select Committee to scrutinize the same Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill No. 7 of 2025.

The Committee sat for a week and at the end of its work, produced a Report and the Speaker called for a Special Session of Parliament on Monday 15th December 2025to hear and determine the fate of the Bill.

ALLEGATIONS OF BRIBERY, CORRUPTION AND THREATS

On 12th December, 2025, reports emerged that a number of Patriotic Front Members of Parliament and Independent MPs, were transported and flown to an executive lodge, in Lower Zambezi where they were kept until the morning of 15th December 2025.

This group of MPs is alleged to have received cash gifts of $150,000.00 each paid in two instalments of $75,000 before the vote and  after the vote.

There are various reports indicating that the entire corrupt process has been run by State House Special Assistant to the President, Mr. Levy Ngoma. Other organisations and companies are being mentioned as finaciaiers and facilitators in this wide-ranging acts of corruption to manipulate the outcome of the voting of this unconstitutional Bill into law.

Reports have also emerged that some members of parliament were summoned or called by officers from the Zambia Police CID Unit based at Service Head Quarters threatening with arrests on alleged cases previously investigated, if they did not vote for Bill 7.

Further reports also emerged that Government Deputy Chief Whip, Likando Mufalali was also making similar bribery payment to UPND backbenchers.

COMPLAINT

It is important that your Commission investigates these serious allegations . Ifestablished to be true, violates the Constitution and constitutional-making process, undermines the Independent work of the National Assembly as the legislature, a key wing of a democratic government and presents commission of crimes for all involved.

Further, for those officers at Police Service Headquaters who were calling certain MPs threatening them with arrests constitutes acts of blackmail.

I pray that the allegations will be investigated.

Signed;
Amb. Emmanuel Mwamba

🇿🇲 EDITORIAL | Bill 7 Passed As Politics is Not a Prayer Meeting

For months, the opposition told the country that Bill 7 would never see the light of day. They assured their supporters that the courts would stop it, that Parliament would resist it, that “the people” were firmly against it. Yesterday, all of that collapsed in real time on the floor of the National Assembly.

Bill 7 did not pass by stealth. It did not pass in the dead of night. It passed in broad daylight, through open debate, by overwhelming numbers, after weeks of scrutiny, lobbying, and political pressure from every direction. One hundred and thirty-one MPs voted in favour at second reading. One hundred and thirty-five carried it at third and final reading. That is not a marginal outcome. That is not coercion. That is a decisive parliamentary verdict.

From the start, the opposition made a strategic error. They chose propaganda over substance. Instead of prosecuting a clause-by-clause case against the Bill, they outsourced their resistance to press conferences, prayer rallies, moral outrage, and litigation. They spoke endlessly about “illegality” but could not agree on which clause offended them. They shouted about consultation while ignoring that more than 11,000 submissions were collected by the Technical Committee, one of the highest public participation tallies in Zambia’s constitutional history.

What they really meant by “the people” was never the electorate. It was a familiar elite circle. The Oasis Forum. A section of Catholic bishops. A cluster of civil society voices long accustomed to setting the terms of national debate. For years, these groups have positioned themselves as the moral and intellectual barometer of democracy, assuming that if they disapprove, the country must follow. Bill 7 exposed the limits of that assumption.

The moment of truth came yesterday. MPs who had prayed together at rallies against Bill 7 voted for it. MPs who had signed letters pledging opposition broke ranks without apology. MPs whom the PF base was urged to call, threaten, and shame exercised independent judgment and voted anyway. That was not betrayal. That was parliamentary reality.

The Patriotic Front misread the terrain completely. Its leaders believed the judiciary would shut down the process. When that failed, they pivoted to boycotts and walkouts. When that failed, they turned on their own MPs. The result is a party in open fracture, trading accusations of sellouts while refusing to confront the harder truth: many of their MPs understood exactly what Bill 7 does and voted accordingly.

The silence that followed is telling. The Oasis Forum went quiet. The Catholic clergy, so vocal in the buildup, withdrew from the stage. LAZ, which insisted Parliament was acting illegally, watched as Parliament asserted its constitutional mandate and carried the Bill. The noise evaporated the moment votes were counted.

This episode has also revealed something deeper about Zambian politics. MPs are not as intellectually captive as party propaganda suggests. They read. They calculate. They know that delimitation protects constituencies, that proportional representation reshapes incentives, and that opposing reform purely out of spite is electorally dangerous. They may not say this openly to protect party unity, but their votes said it clearly.

President Hakainde Hichilema was underestimated again. His critics framed him as isolated, arrogant, detached from public sentiment. Yesterday proved the opposite. He allowed institutions to work. He let Parliament decide. He did not need to browbeat the House. He let numbers, persuasion, and political gravity do the work. That is why the Bill is now headed for assent.

For those who flooded our inboxes accusing this publication of bias, ignorance, or betrayal, yesterday should prompt reflection. You cannot fight constitutional reform with insults. You cannot defeat parliamentary arithmetic with slogans. You cannot substitute elite consensus for democratic process. Politics does not reward volume. It rewards strategy, clarity, and timing.

Bill 7 has passed because it was contested where it mattered and decided where it counts. The same lesson will apply in August next year. Elections are not won in press statements, prayer meetings, or court corridors. They are won in constituencies, through numbers, organization, and hard political work.

Yesterday was not just a vote on a Bill. It was a referendum on who actually understands power in Zambia today.

And the answer was unambiguous.

© The People’s Brief | Editor-in-Chief

GIVEN LUBINDA SAYS PASSAGE OF BILL 7 BETRAYAL TO ZAMBIANS

By Cecilia Zyambo

Patriotic Front Acting President Given Lubinda has condemned the passing of Bill 7 in parliament, describing it as a betrayal to Zambians.

The constitutional amendment Bill number 7 of 2025 was passed with an overwhelming vote of 131 to 2, and now awaits presidential assent to become law.

Mr. Lubinda has told Phoenix News that December 15th, 2025, will remain a sad day for Zambia, because members of parliament detached themselves from the people they represent, adding that the Bill is against the will of most Zambians.

He adds that the Bill 7 debate after the constitutional court ruling was illegal, and all members of parliament who took part in passing the bill will soon be held accountable.

But UPND Itezhi-Tezhi MP Twaambo Mutinta has welcomed the Bill’s passage, citing widespread consultation hence the huge number of MPs who voted for it in parliament.

And Political Historian Professor Bizeck Phiri says the passage of the Bill was expected, and expects the Bill to solidify the Zambian constitution, without needing any amendments soon.

PHOENIX NEWS

⬆️ BUILD-UP |  After Bill 7: Allegations, Anger, & Opposition’s Familiar Dead End

Following Parliament’s approval of Constitution Amendment Bill No. 7, Zambia’s opposition space has shifted rapidly from legislative defeat to moral outrage. Two parallel narratives now dominate the conversation. One is institutional and legal, led by a formal complaint to the Anti-Corruption Commission. The other is emotional and mobilising, carried through personal statements of betrayal and conscience. Both reflect a movement in shock. Neither yet offers a clear path forward.

Former diplomat Emmanuel Mwamba has formally petitioned the Anti-Corruption Commission, alleging that agents linked to President Hakainde Hichilema bribed and coerced Members of Parliament to secure support for Bill 7. In his letter dated December 16, Mwamba claims that MPs were “transported and flown to an executive lodge in the Lower Zambezi” and allegedly paid “cash gifts of $150,000 each,” with threats of arrest issued to those who resisted. He names no beneficiaries directly, cites no documentary proof publicly, and relies on “reports” and “indications.”

At law, these are allegations, not findings. Under Zambia’s Anti-Corruption Act, the burden now rests with the ACC to investigate, verify, and either prosecute or dismiss the claims. Until that process concludes, no legal conclusion can be drawn.

What is notable is not the complaint itself. Opposition actors have historically turned to law enforcement after parliamentary losses. What stands out is the repetition of the pattern. Courts were expected to halt Bill 7. They did not. The Select Committee was expected to fracture Parliament. It did not. The vote was expected to collapse under pressure. It passed decisively, with 131 votes at second reading and 135 at final reading.

The immediate pivot to bribery allegations reflects political frustration more than strategic recalibration.

Alongside the legal complaint sits a more emotive response from Nkana Member of Parliament Binwell Mpundu, one of the few MPs who voted against the Bill. “Some chose money while others chose to protect positions; others chose to protect the Constitution,” Mpundu wrote, describing the vote as a moral rupture. He framed himself as standing “almost alone on the floor of the House,” enduring what he termed “bullying” and “abuse.”

His statement is powerful as political rhetoric and clearly aimed at mobilising youth sentiment. But it is also revealing. It underscores how isolated the anti-Bill 7 position ultimately became inside Parliament, despite months of public confidence from opposition leaders.

What neither Mwamba’s complaint nor Mpundu’s appeal resolves is the core political problem now facing the opposition. Parliament has spoken. The Bill has passed. President Hichilema has acknowledged the vote and signalled closure, stating that “the people have spoken through their duly elected representatives.”

Whether one agrees with the outcome or not, the constitutional process has moved beyond the debate stage. Litigation may continue, but politics does not pause for court filings.

The deeper issue is strategic stagnation. The Patriotic Front, still the largest opposition party numerically, entered this process without a unified message, without a single authoritative legal brief on the contents of the Bill, and without a disciplined parliamentary whip strategy. MPs publicly vowed one position and voted another. That contradiction has now been externalised as betrayal narratives. It avoids a harder truth: MPs act where incentives, constituency interests, and political survival intersect.

Moral outrage does not replace political organisation.

There is also a credibility gap. Allegations of bribery resonate emotionally because they fit a familiar African political script. But credibility requires evidence. Naming sums, locations, and alleged facilitators without substantiation raises the risk of legal blowback and narrative fatigue.

The same opposition actors who demand due process when courts rule against them must accept due process when making criminal claims.

At this point, the political terrain is clear. Bill 7 is law pending assent. The next battlefield is electoral, not procedural. The opposition’s energy would be better spent resolving leadership questions, consolidating alliances, and presenting a coherent alternative vision ahead of 2026. Re-litigating a concluded parliamentary vote through press statements and petitions may satisfy anger, but it does not build power.

Zambian politics has entered its next phase. The governing party has secured a major institutional victory. The opposition now faces a choice it has often delayed. Continue fighting yesterday’s battle through courts and communiqués, or do the harder work of organising for tomorrow’s election.

History suggests that only one of those paths changes outcomes.

© The People’s Brief | Ollus R. Ndomu

🇿🇲 EVENING WIRE  | Bill 7 Breaks the House as PF Fractures; Hichilema Clinches Defining Parliamentary Win

Monday has closed with Parliament delivering a decisive verdict on Constitution Amendment Bill No. 7, sending shockwaves across Zambia’s political spectrum while exposing deep fractures across party lines. After hours of high tension, procedural standoffs, and public lobbying, the House cleared the Bill’s Second Reading with 131 votes and proceeded to the Third and final Reading with 135 votes, comfortably above the constitutional threshold.

By close of business, Parliament adjourned indefinitely. The Bill now awaits presidential assent.

The vote unfolded under extraordinary pressure. Opposition leaders had urged a boycott. Court challenges were filed in parallel. Social media lists circulated naming MPs accused of planning to “sell out.”

Inside the Chamber, Speaker Nelly Mutti enforced procedure with a firm hand, rejecting attempts to table unverified documents and warning Members against legal interpretations outside their remit. The temperature rose. It did not change the arithmetic.

By afternoon, jubilation erupted within UPND-aligned spaces, with supporters hailing the outcome as a structural reset of Zambia’s democracy. Senior government figures framed the vote as a mandate for inclusion, delimitation, and electoral reform.

Outside Parliament, opposition media and PF-aligned tabloids descended into open recrimination. Accusations of betrayal dominated the discourse. Names trended. Alliances cracked.

The scale of cross-floor voting stunned even seasoned observers. More than 20 PF MPs and several independents voted in favour, defying public commitments and party pressure.

Among those reportedly to have voted YES were MPs from Eastern, Muchinga, Northern, Luapula, Lusaka, Central, and Copperbelt provinces, including Sunday Chanda (Kanchibiya), Christopher Shakafuswa (Lusaka), Anthony Mumba (Kantanshi), Golden Mwila (Mufulira Central), Allan Banda (Chimwemwe), Mike Katambo (Masaiti), Sibongile Mwamba (Kasama Central), Musonda Mpankata (Lupososhi), Chewe Taulo (Lubansenshi), Leevan Chibombwe (Bahati), Solomon Mwale (Nchelenge), and Paul Chaala (Chipili), alongside a string of independents.

The breadth of the breakaway vote rewrote the opposition’s internal balance overnight.

PF’s reaction was immediate and raw. Miles Sampa, who had earlier walked out of the Chamber, wrote that “the real sell outs of the people [have] been exposed,” adding, “Unbelievable what money can do to some.” In a separate post, he said he had gone straight to the Constitutional Court, insisting the process remained illegal and accusing the State of defying the judiciary.

Nkana MP Binwell Mpundu captured the mood inside PF ranks, writing, “There’s nothing as painful as betrayal… not abantu tulya nabo.” The language was personal. The anger was public.

But the numbers tell a colder story. The governing bloc entered the day with a firm base of 97 votes from UPND MPs, nominated Members, and ex officio votes. Independent support and cross-floor defections did the rest. The opposition’s strategy of abstention and litigation failed to blunt the momentum. Calls to “warn MPs” did not translate into votes.

The floor decided.

As the dust settled, President Hakainde Hichilema moved to lower the temperature. In a statement issued via his Facebook page, the President said, “The greatest winners in this process are the people of Zambia and our democracy itself. The people have spoken through their duly elected representatives, and as a nation committed to democratic principles, we must respect both the outcome and the collective resolve it represents.”

Hichilema urged a pivot to national development and unity, invoking “One Zambia, One Nation.”

Notably quiet have been institutions that had led the resistance in recent weeks. The Oasis Forum, sections of the Catholic clergy, and the Law Association of Zambia issued no immediate response as the votes were counted and confirmed.

Their silence stand in contrast to the volume of earlier interventions and underlines the finality of the parliamentary decision.

By sunset, the political map had shifted. Bill 7 survived the courts, the boycott, and the threats. It passed on the floor. The governing party celebrated a legislative victory. The opposition entered a period of reckoning, with adoption decisions, internal discipline, and credibility under scrutiny.

The Constitution will now change. The politics already have. This is Evening Wire!

© The People’s Brief | Ollus R. Ndomu

GUEST: Bill 7 passes Parliament — but Zambia’s constitutional battle is moving from the chamber to the courts

By: Thomas Moyo

Zambia’s Constitution (Amendment) Bill No. 7 has cleared Parliament after 135 MPs voted “Yes” at Third Reading, with no “No” votes and none recorded absent, satisfying the two-thirds threshold. Speaker Nelly Mutti ruled the threshold met; the Bill now goes to President Hakainde Hichilema for assent, and Parliament has adjourned sine die.

Government is framing the vote as a democratic breakthrough. Yet the clean sweep has sharpened, not quieted, a deeper legitimacy question: whether “winning the numbers” is enough for a constitutional rewrite that fundamentally redraws representation, electoral incentives and executive–legislature relations.

That controversy is grounded in the Constitutional Court’s June 27, 2025 judgment, which upheld a petition and faulted the State for initiating the amendment process before wide consultations, saying this ran against the spirit of the Constitution and directing a people-driven process led by an independent body of experts. In December, the Court also rebuffed an attempt to launch contempt proceedings linked to Bill 7’s reintroduction, with Judge J.Z. Mulongoti describing the application as “misconceived” and procedurally misplaced after the main matter had been disposed of.

Rather than ending the legal dispute, the vote may escalate it. The Attorney General, Mulilo Kabesha, has asked the Court to vacate its earlier position, arguing that while public participation is essential, initiation need not follow only one model — and that consultations could be pursued through mechanisms prescribed by Parliament.

Substantively, the Bill’s defenders argue it modernises governance through a mixed electoral model to boost representation for women, youth and persons with disabilities. Critics counter that the “inclusion” pitch masks centralising effects. Transparency International Zambia warns the package expands Parliament while increasing presidential influence, weakening accountability and reducing transparency around delimitation and by-election rules. ConstitutionNet’s analysis similarly flags the scale of expansion (including 156 to 211 constituency seats) and concerns about cost, transparency and incentives in a constrained economy.

Internationally, the passage is already being read through a governance lens: Bloomberg notes investor attention is colliding with civil-society warnings that the changes risk consolidating power ahead of the 2026 election cycle.

With assent looming, Bill 7’s defining test is no longer just arithmetic in the House — it is whether the reform can command public trust and survive the constitutional scrutiny it has repeatedly invited.

Amb. Emmanuel Mwamba writes;

Wynter Kabimba’s Challenge to Me

One of my best Podcasts ever, has been with former Minister of Justice and former Secretary General of the Patriotic Front, Hon. Wynter Kabimba SC.

It was three and half hours. It was one of my most engaging, indepth interview.

I told him that the interview was special as it literally could act as his official biography, in the absence of a written one.

Further, It was one the most widely watched interview.

I knew Wynter Kabimba SC was central and behind my dismissal as Permanent Secretary at Ministry of Information and Broadcasting Services. I knew he schemed to root me out of the Sata administration as he deemed as frustrating to their schemes against President Michael Chilufya Sata.

After my dismissal, Kabimba sent me a mocking sms text, reminding me that he had warned me that between him and Hon. Scott, they will get me fired…(I was just a mere PS藍!)

On my podcast, I was decent enough not to even bring these personal matters. I always focus on the bigger picture for our country, never on the petty, the narrow, or negative.

The Vice President, Guy Scott, his erstwhile ally, publicly called me “the most dangerous person” he had ever met as my “propaganda was worse than that of Fred M’membe” as Fred M’membe had a team and a formidable infrastructure (The Post).

But like many that know me would testify, I sincerely forgive and forget and I hold no single grudges.

On my podcast, I had Hon. Kabimba as an interesting subject, who held senior position from Town Clerk to Minister of Justice, and he would help chronicle the the country and the Patriotic Front.

So for Hon. Kabimba to accuse me of holding grudges snd accusing me of being a tribalist is failing to look in his own mirror, because this fits hisnwon image, a caricature he has crafted himself of in his many indecent turns and unashamed twists at the kind of politics.

I’m not surprised that he is attacking the dead to please President Hichilema who he is now constantly praising.

Until recently he has said far worse things against President Hichilema. I think the bigger person is President Hichilema who chooses to ignore the vile and vitriol verbal abuse he suffered, welcomed his decsion to join the UPND Alliance, and even attended Hon Kabimba’s funeral and loss of his father.

I have noted the challenge Hon. Kabimba has thrown at me that he wishes to come back to my Podcast.

I would gladly invite Hon. Kabimba back to my Podcast, but NOT to discuss these matters, but to delve into issues of policies, constitutionalism, governance and national development, matters I’ve always preoccupied myself with.

FORMER ECZ CHIEF SAYS MISSING DELIMITATION REPORT THREATENS ZAMBIA’S ELECTORAL INTEGRITY

By Nelson Zulu

Former Electoral Commission of Zambia -ECZ- Chief Electoral Officer Patrick Nshindano has expressed concern that the lack of a delimitation report in the public domain may compromise the country’s electoral integrity.

Mr. Nshindano says the absence of the 2019 report makes it impossible to verify the number and location of proposed new constituencies, especially since the recently concluded voter registration was based on existing boundaries.

He has told Phoenix News that changes to constituency boundaries will necessitate major revisions and re-assignment of voters, undermining predictable and transparent electoral processes.

His comment follows a revelation by the ECZ when it appeared before the Parliamentary Select Committee that the delimitation report has been sent to the executive for analysis but does not indicate which constituencies will be split.

PHOENIX NEWS