By Sean Tembo – PeP President & TONSE ALLIANCE Spokesperson
Hon. Mumbi Phiri’s statement that if a Bemba picks an Easterner running-mate, then we will win, is a political strategy statement and not a tribal statement, as some are alleging.
Those who say this is a tribal statement, can you explain how it amounts to a tribal statement?
Also tell us what combination of candidates would not amount to a tribal presidential ticket? To begin with, how does a ticket made up of two regions amount to a tribal ticket? If Hon. Mumbi Phiri had said the winning ticket needs to be a Bemba with another Bemba as running mate, then perhaps that would be seen as tribal. But that’s not what she said.
Let us avoid politics of blackmail. By the way, l agree with Hon. Mumbi Phiri 100%. The ticket that has the greatest chance of removing UPND is one with a northerner (Muchinga, Luapula or Northern Province) as presidential candidate, and an Easterner as running mate.
Of course, other ticket combinations can also win, but in my view, the ticket that has the greatest chance of winning is the one Hon. Mumbi Phiri proposed.
Anywhere in the world, political parties have regional strongholds. Nothing wrong or tribal about that. Even in the US, democrats are strong up north, and republicans are strong down south. The middle states such as Arizona, Georgia, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, etcetera are referred to as swing states, or battleground states, and decide the election outcome.
It is almost standard practice that both democratic and republican presidential candidates pick a running mate from a swing state, because it is meaningless for a democratic presidential candidate to pick a running mate from a southern state such as Mississippi or Alabama because such a running mate would not bring any votes to the ticket from where they’re coming from, because those are staunch republican states.
Similarly it is meaningless for a republican presidential candidate to pick a running mate from northern states such as Vermont or Massachusetts, because such a running mate would not bring any votes to the ticket from where they’re coming from, because those are staunch democratic states.
In my considered view, both Hon. Given Lubinda and Hon. Raphael Nakachinda cannot win a Ward Councillor seat on a PF ticket, in their respective home villages, because those are UPND strongholds. That’s a fact. You might like it, or you might hate it, but it’s a fact.
The majority of those trying to condemn Hon. Mumbi Phiri’s statement are either UPND supporters or those that have been hired by the UPND to undermine the opposition from within.
These are quite a number, by the way. But us well-meaning opposition leaders will not be bullied or blackmailed into floating a politically-impotent ticket, which will make us lose next year’s elections.
We shall not be shy to openly talk about a ticket that has the greatest chance of winning us next year’s elections. What Hon. Mumbi Phiri said is a matter of fact. Whether you like a particular fact or you hate it, nothing changes, it remains a fact.
WE SHALL NOT ENTERTAIN TRIBALISM IN PF – NAKACHINDA
Patriotic Front Secretary General Raphael Nakanchinda has instructed party structures in PF across the country to frown upon any candidate or sect within the party or Tonse alliance who shall champion tribal politics ahead of the coming party convention.
He said this today during the ongoing party structure audit in Chirundu district.
“Any manner of tribalism must end within the upnd government boundaries and must never be entertained within the ranks and file of the Patriotic Front.” He said.
He added that the PF was a national party that belonged to all well-meaning Zambians and must not be imaginary confined to one part of the country.
Hundreds of party officials gathered in Chirundu district to present to the party leadership the expanded structures from 24 to 72 at the ward, constituency, and district levels.
And speaking at the same function, PF Lusaka Province Chairman Christopher Shakafuswa thanked the party leadership in Chirundu district for their unwavering loyalty and commitment to the party.
The Mumbi Phiri voicenote has vindicated us; PF/Tonse is tribal!
Right from the word go, we’ve always insisted PF, which has since metamorphosed as Tonse Alliance, is as a tribal and regional political grouping! The sooner our citizens realise this and banish them from our political horizon, the better. At the risk of sounding like a broken record, we’d like to reiterate that Edgar Lungu as President Sata’s Home Affairs Minister wanted to have us arrested and charged with treason for pointing out tribalism in his government!
As our book; Dilemma of One Zambia, One Nation will reveal, President Lungu recklessly and shamelessly continued on the same trajectory – sidelining certain tribal groupings from government for their only SIN of belonging to the so-called Zambezi provinces. And yet you want to insist, ours is a Christian nation where everyone is assumed equal before the eyes of our Almighty God?
If we may share practical examples as we are loathsome of speaking from without, in his 30 member cabinet, there were only two individuals from North Western and zero from Southern and Western provinces! And out of 34 Permanent Sectretaries, there was only one from North Western and another one from Southern province. The situation was the same, if not worse in foreign missions; we could only find Joseph Chilengi and Ndiyoyi Mutiti from the Zambezi provinces. How do you run a country at the exclusion of the rest of the country, particularly people from North Western province which is currently contributing the bulk of the National Treasury?
A voicenote has since surfaced which confirms that indeed PF/Tonse is a tribal/regional grouping with no regard for other tribes.
In the said voicenote which has since gone viral, Mumbi Phiri, a senior party official states as follows, “Counsel Chisanga, this post you’ve posted is saying the truth and this is what some people are failing to see. Whoever….if it’s a Bemba on top, an Easterner running mate we’ll win. If it’s an Easterner on top and a Bemba running mate, we’ll win. This is what people are failing to understand. These others are coming to divide us….”
We suspect “these others” definitely are Given Lubinda and Raphael Nakachinda. We wonder how they are feeling right now….being found in the company of individuals that demean them due to their ethnicity.
Naimwe ba UPND, let’s get our book published pronto we expose the PF/Tonse Alliance for what they are….. hardcore and unapologetic tribalists!
Prince Bill M. Kaping’a Political/Social Analyst Zambezi
ZAMBIA IS ON A PATH TO BEING CLASSIFIED A FAILED STATE – SANGWA
CONSTITUTIONAL lawyer John Sangwa says the country is in trouble and is on the path to being classified as a failed state.
Sangwa adds that he doesn’t want to own a political party but is willing to join one.
Meanwhile, Sangwa believes that you can hire politicians every five years, but you can’t be doing the same for judges.
Speaking when he appeared on Emmanuel Mwamba’s Verified programme, Friday, Sangwa said the position of the Presidency had been cheapened in the country.
“I have challenged Zambians, and if they are willing, let’s join hands. I cannot assume that they are willing. It’s a huge sacrifice. It’s a huge sacrifice. And I’m calling upon Zambians to say, ‘let’s make the sacrifice for a better Zambia.’ Now, if people are not willing to sacrifice, then that is their choice. So, there are a lot of things that have to be made. You asked me about the presidential thing, now, again, we have this obsession with the presidency. There is a joke that is told, a Greek friend of mine once told me many years ago, ‘have you ever met a Zambian who doesn’t want to be president?’ Now, that is the problem because we have cheapened that office so much and yet, that is the toughest job on earth,” he said
“Now, when you are president for a country like Zambia, what you are basically saying, you are responsible for the lives of 25 million people. Your decisions determine whether some of those people live or die. This is not something that we ought to take lightly. You need the confidence of your peers to be able to ascend to that particular office. Now, I have offered myself. I have expressed my willingness. I’m also looking for the endorsement of my peers. They have to look at my character and be able to tell me whether I’m suitable for the job, it’s not automatic”.
He added that the country was in trouble.
“So, the most important thing is that the groundwork has to be done first. Are the people ready for renewal? If they are, then we go on to the next question. How are we going to do it? This is a collective effort. As I’m speaking, I’m not claiming that I’ve heard the answers I don’t. And it could be dangerous for one to assume that I have the sum total for human knowledge. But what I believe is the fact that this country is in trouble and we need to change course. Continuing on this particular path, we will find this country being classified as a failed state, that is where we are headed,” Sangwa said.
When asked if he was willing to serve under someone, Sangwa responded in the affirmative, adding that he could serve under a person who was competent and had integrity.
“Yes, I will do that, I’m not that arrogant to believe that I’m the person with the best brains in the country. At the end of the day, it is the interest of the country. The interest of the country is paramount, it trumps my personal ambition, my personal interest. The country must come first, that should be our priority. And that is why I never said I’m going to be President, I said I’m ready to serve because I’m not arrogant enough to think that I’m the best person that is out there. But if there is another person that is there that I believe can drive this country forward, my interest is to see the country progress. And if there is somebody else who is competent, who has integrity, that can actually push this agenda forward and bring forth a renewal, I’ll rally behind such a person. For me, what is important is the country. We have lost so much in the last 60 years and it is time that we took a different direction altogether,” he said.
Asked about forming a political party, Sangwa responded that he doesn’t want to own a party but rather join one.
“There are so many examples of people that have jumped into the political arena, formed their political party and what happens at the end of the day they just realise they are on their own. Now I have to learn from that, that is why I’m saying I’m here to serve but I’m not here to serve alone. I’m inviting people, can we join hands. Now whatever we do is not for my personal benefit, it is for our collective benefit as a people. We have to try something new,” he said.
“A lot of people have asked me, have you formed a political party? And I’m saying a political party is like a tent. You don’t erect a tent until you know who is coming to sit in that tent. Once we know who is coming in the tent, it’s very simple, you can choose to buy a new tent… I would like to see that’s why I’m throwing this challenge to the Zambians, can we join hands to be able to transform this country. Once there is a response then we make a collective decision. We have to learn from the mistakes that have been made in the past. Invaluably when you form a political party, technically it means that you own that political party, I don’t want to own a political party, I don’t. I want to be part of a political party but not to own one”.
Sangwa insisted that a strong Judiciary was key for economic development.
“One of the other things that people don’t realise is that a strong judiciary is key for the economic development of any country. No serious investor will go and invest in a country where the judiciary is weak, where the judiciary is open to corruption. That is why, if you look at our ability to attract foreign investment, the bulk of the investors we have had in Zambia, they are basically here for extraction of raw materials and traders, that is what constitutes the bulk of our foreign investors. There are very few people that have come and set up factories and everything else. Because factories require long-term investment. Now, when the Judiciary is weak, and there is instability in the system, very serious investors are reluctant to invest in a country like that,” said Sangwa.
“We get queries as lawyers all the time. Where we are queried, ‘how strong is your judiciary?’ And we are close to be able to explain. For example, you have cases, commercial cases that have been in court for nearly 20 years. Now, what business can survive litigation for 20 years? This is critical for the growth of the country, for the development of the country. These are the issues that we should be addressing. Politicians, you can hire every five years, but you can’t be churning judges every five years, you can’t. So, the process of admission is very important, and that it is robust, transparent and legitimate in the process”.
Given Lubinda and Nakachinda have been rejected to lead PF. According to the audio circulating on social media, also quoted by news daggers, mumbi Phiri has clearly started that no one from other regions apart from Eastern and Northern will be allowed to lead PF. She said this referring to southern and western.
This has come because many people, who are calling themselves as owners of PF, realize that Lubinda was almost grabbing the throne of violence, corruption and tribalism. ” Only a bemba or Eastern should be allowed on top or vice, the rest we can’t.” said mumbi.
Now the people of Zambia can see who the real tribalist are….. This is when it has just started….continue watching the movie.. colleagues, share this video.
Lusaka… Sunday October 5, 2025 – Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) President Antonio Mourinho Mwanza has urged Zambians to rise above tribal divisions and work together to build a united and prosperous nation.
Speaking on the issue of tribalism and national unity, Mr. Mwanza emphasized that tribal politics had long hindered Zambia’s progress and should be firmly rejected by all citizens.
Mr. Mwanza observed that tribalism had cast a shadow over Zambia’s political landscape since independence, often being manipulated by politicians seeking personal gain rather than national harmony.
He stated that political competition in the country had, over time, taken on ethnic undertones as some leaders sought regional strongholds instead of pursuing unity.
He recalled that in 1972, President Kenneth Kaunda declared Zambia a one-party state due to fears that tribal divisions could threaten national stability.
According to Mwanza, Kaunda’s decision was driven by a genuine concern for peace and unity, although the real problem lay with politicians who exploited tribal differences for political advantage.
The DPP leader stressed that tribalism had never benefited the ordinary Zambian, noting that it had not created jobs, built schools, reduced poverty, or solved issues such as load-shedding and high living costs.
Instead, he said, tribalism had only distracted citizens from addressing the true enemies of progress–corruption, unemployment, inequality, and poor governance.
Mr. Mwanza asserted that some politicians used tribal divisions to conceal their own failures rather than serve the people.
He further pointed out that modern Zambians were increasingly rejecting tribalism, describing today’s generation as one shaped by intermarriage, shared education, and urban life that transcended ethnic boundaries.
He said that young people saw themselves first and foremost as Zambians, bound by common dreams and a shared destiny.
Mr. Mwanza therefore called on all citizens to condemn tribalism in every form–whether in politics, employment, or daily life–and to focus instead on unity, merit, and collective progress.
He urged Zambians to concentrate their energy on solving pressing challenges such as the high cost of living, persistent poverty, and lack of employment opportunities.
Meanwhile, Mr. Mwanza reiterated that Zambia’s greatest strength lay in its unity, adding that the future belonged to those who worked to unite the nation rather than divide it.
He reminded citizens of the country’s enduring motto: “One Zambia, One Nation.”
“… Nakacinda and Given Lubinda can’t win a ward Councilor on PF ticket in their respective homem villages…”
TRIBALISM? WHAT TRIBALISM?
By Sean Tembo – PeP President & TONSE ALLIANCE Spokesperson
Hon. Mumbi Phiri’s statement that if a Bemba picks an Easterner running-mate, then we will win, is a political strategy statement and not a tribal statement, as some are alleging.
Those who say this is a tribal statement, can you explain how it amounts to a tribal statement?
Also tell us what combination of candidates would not amount to a tribal presidential ticket? To begin with, how does a ticket made up of two regions amount to a tribal ticket? If Hon. Mumbi Phiri had said the winning ticket needs to be a Bemba with another Bemba as running mate, then perhaps that would be seen as tribal. But that’s not what she said.
Let us avoid politics of blackmail. By the way, l agree with Hon. Mumbi Phiri 100%. The ticket that has the greatest chance of removing UPND is one with a northerner (Muchinga, Luapula or Northern Province) as presidential candidate, and an Easterner as running mate.
Of course, other ticket combinations can also win, but in my view, the ticket that has the greatest chance of winning is the one Hon. Mumbi Phiri proposed.
Anywhere in the world, political parties have regional strongholds. Nothing wrong or tribal about that. Even in the US, democrats are strong up north, and republicans are strong down south. The middle states such as Arizona, Georgia, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, etcetera are referred to as swing states, or battleground states, and decide the election outcome.
It is almost standard practice that both democratic and republican presidential candidates pick a running mate from a swing state, because it is meaningless for a democratic presidential candidate to pick a running mate from a southern state such as Mississippi or Alabama because such a running mate would not bring any votes to the ticket from where they’re coming from, because those are staunch republican states.
Similarly it is meaningless for a republican presidential candidate to pick a running mate from northern states such as Vermont or Massachusetts, because such a running mate would not bring any votes to the ticket from where they’re coming from, because those are staunch democratic states.
In my considered view, both Hon. Given Lubinda and Hon. Raphael Nakachinda cannot win a Ward Councillor seat on a PF ticket, in their respective home villages, because those are UPND strongholds. That’s a fact. You might like it, or you might hate it, but it’s a fact.
The majority of those trying to condemn Hon. Mumbi Phiri’s statement are either UPND supporters or those that have been hired by the UPND to undermine the opposition from within. These are quite a number, by the way. But us well-meaning opposition leaders will not be bullied or blackmailed into floating a politically-impotent ticket, which will make us lose next year’s elections. We shall not be shy to openly talk about a ticket that has the greatest chance of winning us next year’s elections. What Hon. Mumbi Phiri said is a matter of fact. Whether you like a particular fact or you hate it, nothing changes, it remains a fact.
Truth be told he has managed to keep PF intact.Those fighting him are fighting him based on tribe.Mumbi Phiri said this is not the party for Tongas or Lozis, we need a Bemba or Eastern president.
At this point even if Chabinga gave them back PF, they will still fight each other and drug themselves from one court to another and before you realize as a blind member, elections will be next week.
Given Lubinda & Nakachinda when everyone was on the run, they stood strong to offer solidarity to those who were being taken to courts, prison and DEC.
Given could organise PF MPs to hold press briefings and he never betrayed ECL and his family from day one. He is the only one among the few who were found with no crimes or proceeds of crime and set free.
I am afraid Lubinda you are in a wrong party that doesnt see substance but puts tribe first. Sorry 4 you zayelo. Right noww the samee people who run away in fear of being arrested have regroup to chase you out of the race.
PF MEMBERS URGED TO DESIST FROM TRIBAL CONVERSATIONS IN CHOOSING PARTY PRESIDENT
Lusaka… Sunday October 5, 2025 – Former Patriotic Front (PF) Deputy National Youth Chairman, Benja Siwila, has called on all PF officials and members across the country to desist from engaging in tribal conversations as the party moves toward choosing a successor to former Republican President and PF leader, Mr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu, ahead of the 2026 general elections.
Mr. Siwila emphasized that tribal considerations have no place in modern politics, particularly in a party whose founding principles are rooted in patriotism, unity, and inclusivity.
He reminded members that President Lungu’s leadership was a clear reflection of national character and unity, demonstrated through his cabinet appointments and leadership style.
“President Lungu’s legacy cannot be upheld through tribal politics,” Mr. Siwila stated.
“He built a government that mirrored Zambia’s diversity and unity–appointing a patriot, Her Honour, Mrs. Inonge Wina; a woman of integrity, resilience, humility and from Western Province as his running mate. His leadership embodied patriotism and nationalism above tribal lines.”
Mr. Siwila further urged PF members to ensure that the next party president and presidential candidate is chosen based on merit, competence, and integrity, not provincial or ethnic affiliation.
He noted that Zambia’s future depends on leaders whose content of character demonstrates a genuine commitment to serve all citizens equally.
“As we prepare for 2026, our focus should be on finding a leader who embodies discipline, vision, and unity–qualities that transcend tribe or region. Zambia needs a president for all Zambians, not for one province,” he said.
Meanwhile, Siwila appealed to all PF structures–at national, provincial, district, and ward levels–to promote messages of unity and issue-based politics, in honour of the party’s legacy and the aspirations of the Zambian people.
“Let us remember that the Patriotic Front grew strong because it spoke to the hopes of every Zambian. That spirit must continue as we rebuild and reposition our party for victory,” Mr. Siwila added.
LEADERSHIP MOVEMENT CANDIDATE BREAKS SILENCE, ENDORSES UPND RIVAL AHEAD OF NAKATO WARD POLLS.
By Marcus Brian Sakubita Opposition Leadership Movement (LM) aspiring candidate for the Nakato Ward by-election, Wamundila Silumesi, has rubbished media reports suggesting he went missing ahead of the 7TH October polls.
Mr. Silumesi clarified that he had deliberately taken a back seat during campaigns to avoid political tension and instead endorsed his rival, Simataa Simataa, of the ruling UPND.
Speaking during a UPND mobilization meeting in Kalundwana, Nalikwanda Constituency, Mr. Silumesi said his silence was meant to promote peace and support ongoing development efforts in the area.
He emphasized that his endorsement of the UPND candidate does not mark his withdrawal from the race or his party, but rather reflects a spirit of unity and goodwill for the sake of progress.- Prime TV
Seventh-Day Adventist Church Woodlands Conference president Daniel Chuunga has urged young people to be realistic and prayerful when choosing marriage partners, advising them to date and marry within their social, educational and emotional levels.
Speaking during the Evelyn Hone College Adventist alumni family reunion in Lusaka, Dr. Chuunga emphasised the importance of relationships grounded in compatibility and shared values rather than just emotional attraction to promote mutual understanding and long-term stability.
“Consider levels, know where you belong. You are a Grade Seven and you want to date a medical doctor? Marry someone of your level so that you understand each other better,” he said.
Dr. Chuunga warned that large disparities in background or social standing can create major challenges for couples, making it difficult to relate to each other’s realities.
He also cautioned against entering relationships out of sympathy or emotional pressure, saying such unions are often unsustainable.
Drawing laughter from the audience, he added: “You are 30 years old and you want a woman who is 55 what do you want? Muzi yopa bakulu! [Have fear for the elderly!].”
CONDEMNATION OF MOB JUSTICE AND A CALL FOR ORDER IN NAKONDE
5th October 2025
My dear citizens of Nakonde Constituency, residents of Muchinga Province, and fellow Zambians.
It is with a heavy heart and profound sadness that I address you today regarding the tragic and unlawful incident that occurred in Sukwa Village, where two individuals suspected of motorcycle theft were brutally burnt to death by a mob. This act of extreme violence is not only shocking but stands in direct opposition to the principles of justice and the rule of law that underpin our nation.
I wish to state in the clearest terms possible that I strongly and unreservedly condemn this act of mob justice. Taking the law into one’s own hands is never acceptable, regardless of the provocation. Such actions undermine the authority of our state institutions and transform victims of crime into perpetrators of an even more grievous crime: murder. As your representative, I stand for justice, not vengeance. We must all remember that every individual, including criminal suspects, possesses a fundamental right to life and the right to a fair trial as guaranteed by our laws.
This condemnation echoes the firm stance of which we are as a people, and especially as Nakonde. Working with other stakeholders, we are determined to restore order and transparency across all sectors, and this commitment must extend to maintaining public order and ensuring that justice is administered through proper legal channels, not through violent mobs . The path of violence leads only to a cycle of more violence and lawlessness, which we, as a community, must collectively reject.
I call upon every community member in Nakonde to remain calm and to cooperate fully with the Zambia Police Service,which is now investigating this matter. We must allow our law enforcement agencies to perform their duties without interference. I urge anyone with information about the incident or those involved in the mob action to come forward and assist the police. It is only through working with the authorities that we can ensure true justice is served and prevent such tragedies from recurring.
Let this tragic event be a turning point for Nakonde.Let us choose the path of legality and order. As your Member of Parliament, I commit to advocating for and supporting initiatives that strengthen the reach and efficiency of our justice system at the grassroots level. We must foster a community where disputes are resolved in courts of law, not on the streets, and where the safety of all citizens, riders, traders, and suspects alike, is protected.
In conclusion, I extend my deepest condolences to all who have been affected by this traumatic event. Let us honour the peace and unity that Zambia is known for by rejecting violence and upholding the dignity of human life.
Together, let us build a safer and more just Nakonde for all.
Hon. Lukas Simumba, MP for Nakonde Constituency Muchinga Province
Over 5,000 Members from PF and Other Political Parties Defect to UPND in Kitwe’s Nkana Constituency
In a powerful show of confidence and growing national appeal, the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) has welcomed over 5,000 new members from the Patriotic Front (PF), Socialist Party and other opposition parties in Nkana Constituency, Kitwe.
The massive defection, which took place this afternoon, underscores the continued rise of the UPND as the people’s choice for progress, peace, and prosperity. Residents of Nkana have made a bold statement, choosing to align themselves with President Hakainde Hichilema’s vision of national transformation, unity, and economic recovery.
Addressing the new members, Hon. Elisha Matambo emphasised that the party remains open to all Zambians who are ready to put the nation first, work hard, and support the government’s development agenda. They hailed the move as a clear rejection of divisive politics and empty rhetoric, and an endorsement of the New Dawn administration’s efforts to restore stability, create jobs, and empower communities.
The political ground in Nkana continues to shift, and with thousands now choosing the path of progress, the message is loud and clear, Zambians are uniting under the banner of development, integrity, and renewed hope.
THE RECENT ELECTED LITAWA WARD COUNCILOR TAKE OWN LIFE.
Litawa Ward Councillor in Nalikwanda Constituency, Mongu District Susiku Mwitumwa has allegedly committed suicide by hanging barely 8 months after being elected into office.
The Councillor’s death has been confirmed by his brother who contacted the Deputy Mayor Councilor Kachana Mubita this morning.
On the 7th October 2025 there will be a by election within the same Constituency which was neccesited by the demise of the then Councilor Nosiku Simataa.
More information regarding this matter will be shared during the course of the day.
Pro-Palestine protesters in Cape Town demand release of Mandla Mandela after Gaza flotilla arrest
Pro-Palestinian demonstrators gathered in Cape Town this weekend, calling for the immediate release of Nkosi Zwelivelile “Mandla” Mandela, grandson of the late Nelson Mandela, who was detained by Israeli forces after joining the Global Sumud Flotilla bound for Gaza.
The flotilla, consisting of over 40 vessels carrying activists and humanitarian aid from more than 40 countries, was intercepted by the Israeli navy in international waters earlier this week. Mandela and several South African volunteers were reportedly taken into custody while attempting to deliver supplies and draw attention to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
In a video recorded before the interception, Mandela stated that if it surfaced, it would mean the flotilla had been “abducted by the state of apartheid Israel,” urging South Africans and the international community to pressure for their release.
President Cyril Ramaphosa condemned the seizure, describing it as a “violation of international law” and calling on Israel to release all detained activists immediately. The Palestine Solidarity Campaign, Amnesty International South Africa, and several civil society groups echoed the call during the Cape Town protest, demanding consular access to the detainees and the safe return of the flotilla’s cargo.
The Nelson Mandela Foundation also issued a statement denouncing the interception, saying it undermined humanitarian principles and contradicted Nelson Mandela’s legacy of justice and peace.
South Africa’s Department of International Relations and Cooperation has confirmed it is engaging diplomatic channels to secure the release of Mandela and other South Africans detained during the operation.
The world’s richest man, Elon Musk on has posted a video on the X platform showing the Tesla Optimus robot learning kung fu.
The video showed Tesla’s humanoid robot throwing a lot of punches, kicks, and slick defensive moves in perfect sync with a human trainer inside a sleek Fremont lab. The 45-second clip, which was shared directly from Musk’s account, has been seen by over 12 million people.
It mixes sci-fi style with real engineering skill, and it has fans and sceptics alike talking about the future of robotics. The video shows Optimus, now in its second generation, perfectly copying the trainer’s martial arts moves. Its smooth movements are made possible by AI neural networks that process live video feeds in real time.
The Robot doesn’t need a clunky remote control; it can keep its balance perfectly and dodge punches and counter with the accuracy of a pro fighter.
“Optimus isn’t just walking; it’s dancing with danger,” Musk captioned the post, adding a winking emoji that ignited a storm of replies from 150,000 users. Tesla’s push with Optimus has been no secret, but this demo amps up the hype.
Tesla Optimus learning Kung Fu pic.twitter.com/ziEuiiKWn7
— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) October 4, 2025
The company eyes factory deployment by late 2025, starting with mundane tasks like sorting parts and hauling tools to free up human workers for creative gigs. Musk, ever the showman, teased during a quick X Space follow-up: “Imagine this in your garage by 2026, your personal sparring partner or warehouse wizard.”
Production ramps to one million units a year from next summer, priced between $20,000 and $30,000, making it cheaper than a used Tesla Model S. Reactions poured in fast. Tech analyst Cathie Wood called it “a robotics revolution”, predicting Optimus could add $10 trillion to global GDP by 2030.
Musk envisions home versions cooking dinner or tutoring kids, all while keeping costs grounded.
EX-HUBBY ONLY SENDS CHILD SUPPORT WHEN I HAVE S33X WITH HIM, LSK WOMAN TELLS COURT
A LUSAKA woman has told the Chelstone Local Court that her ex-husband, whom she divorced four years ago, only provides child support when they are on good terms or after she has sex with him.
This is a matter in which Mwamba Mukwasa, 25, of Mtendere sued Semi Mwampamba, 28, of Chamba Valley, seeking compensation for allegedly insulting her and her mother.
Mwamba also told the court that her ex-husband stops her from working whenever she finds a job, beats her, insults her and accuses her of having sex with men from her workplace.
Standing before Magistrates Charity Milambo and Elizabeth Zulu, Mwamba said her ex-husband repeatedly insulted her mother, calling her a hule (prostitute). In his defence, Semi claimed…
WE NEED HOSPITALS MORE THAN FOOTBALL STADIUMS, SAY MOROCCO’S YOUNG PROTESTERS
MOROCCO is currently building what will be the globe’s largest football stadium in preparation for co-hosting the 2030 World Cup.
But for the demonstrators who have taken to the streets each night across the country since last Saturday, this 115,000-capacity showpiece and all the other football infrastructure in development, costing a reported $5bn (£3.7bn), are an affront an example of a government that has got its priorities wrong.
“I am protesting because I want my country to be better. I don’t want to leave Morocco, and I don’t want to resent my country for choosing to stay,” says Hajar Belhassan, a 25-year-old communications manager from Settat, 80km (50 miles) south of Casablanca.
A group called Gen Z 212, the number is a reference to the country’s international dialling code has been coordinating the demonstrations through the gaming and streaming platform Discord, as well as TikTok and Instagram.
Apparently taking inspiration from Nepal’s recent Gen Z protests, the young Moroccans want the authorities to act with the same urgency and passion when it comes to addressing these issues as with hosting one of the world’s premier sporting events.
Starting on 27 September with protests across 10 cities, the crowds have been building through the week, chanting slogans such as: “No World Cup, health comes first” and “We want hospitals not football stadiums”.
The police have responded with seemingly arbitrary mass arrests and in certain places things have turned violent, leading to the death of three protesters.
Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch said on Thursday that he was open to dialogue, but the leaderless movement has vowed to keep going until there is concrete change.
A list of their demands has been shared on social media. They include:
Free and quality education for all Accessible public healthcare for everyone Decent and affordable housing Better public transport Lower prices and subsidise basic goods Improve wages and pensions Provide job opportunities for youth and reduce unemployment Adopt English as the second language instead of French (after Arabic) Anger had been growing, but what galvanised the movement was the death over a number of days in mid-September of eight women in a maternity ward of a hospital in the southern city of Agadir. There were some reports that the deaths could have been prevented if there had been better care, proper equipment and enough medical staff.
In 2023, it was estimated that there were 7.8 doctors per 10,000 Moroccans, way below the World Health Organisation recommendation of 23 per 10,000.
Having read about the protests on social media and inspired by a friend, Ms Belhassan decided to join on Monday.
The day before, that friend had been sending her videos from a demonstration in Casablanca that she was taking part in and Ms Belhassan was immediately uploading them onto her social media accounts.
Hundreds of people have been arrested Then, her friend called to say her brother had been arrested. He was not released until the early hours of the following morning. This, Ms Belhassan says, is what pushed her to go out on to the streets.
“We are making reasonable, basic demands. Health and education are necessities that should already be prioritised,” she tells the BBC in a passionate voice.
“It breaks my heart to see young, educated and peaceful people faced with arbitrary arrests.”
When Ms Belhassan went out she noticed that the police were trying to stop people gathering and were making arrests.
She says she was scared of making eye contact with officers in case she attracted their attention.
“I was afraid for my safety but I still went out,” she says.
On Wednesday, interior ministry spokesman Rachid El Khalfi said that 409 people had been detained up to that point.
He also announced in a press release that 260 police officers and 20 protesters had been injured and 40 police vehicles and 20 private cars were torched in violent clashes.
Twenty-three-year-old Hakim (not his real name) was one of those arrested.
He says he went out onto the streets of Casablanca to protest peacefully but ended up in a police cell with around 40 people.
“This government has been abusing their power too much,” Hakim says. “My father had a stroke a little while ago. If we didn’t have some savings to get him treated in a private hospital he would’ve died. What am I gaining from a country that is not providing healthcare for my ageing parents or educating me?”
He describes the state-funded education system as being “far behind” what is available in the private sector.
“We deserve a dignified life,” says Hakim. “We want to host the Fifa World Cup, but we want to do that with our heads up high, not while hiding behind a façade.”
The protest organisers have distanced themselves from the violence The police response has been heavily criticised by several Moroccan human rights organisations, protesters and the opposition.
The Gen Z 212 protests are not the first time that young Moroccans have taken to the streets.
Many commenters online have been drawing parallels with the country’s violent 1981 riots, where those who died became known as the Bread Martyrs as they were protesting against the soaring price of basic foods. A 2004 commission appointed by the king to investigate the country’s past human rights abuses verified 114 deaths but did not disclose how exactly they died. Reparations were then made to victims of human rights abuses and families of deceased ones.
The country has seen other youth-led movements, notably in 2011 and 2016.
The events of 2011 were part of the larger Arab Spring and led to reform of the constitution through a national referendum called by King Mohamed VI.
For the first time in Moroccan history, the monarch strengthened the role of the government by ceding executive power to the prime minister and parliament. The king remains the legitimate head of state, military and religious affairs, holding the power to appoint and remove ministers if necessary.
What makes Gen Z 212 different is that those demonstrating say they are not tied to a political party and do not appear to have a formal structure.
“We are not a political movement. We have no leader,” Ms Belhassan says.
“Maybe that’s why the police were arresting people, and why the government kept silent – because, in their eyes, we didn’t follow the traditional path of organisations and political parties.”
But there is some disquiet about the violence.
On the night of 1 October, three protesters died in the town of Lqliaa after people attempted to storm a police station. The local authorities said security forces opened fire after protesters tried to start a fire and steal weapons from the station, then subsequently released supporting CCTV footage to disprove emerging false narratives online.
Protesters have condemned the rioting and looting that have happened in certain areas and have organised clean-up groups. They have also repeatedly called for peace and dialogue, but it seems they are not convinced by the prime minister’s apparent willingness to talk.
On Friday, calls began to emerge for the king to dissolve the government. That may be a step too far, but the protesters do not seem to be in the mood to pull back.
Looking ahead to 2030, protester Ms Belhassan says that “of course” Moroccans are “excited to host the World Cup”.
“We love football, it is in our blood. But we are missing the foundations. Sure, let’s build stadiums, but let’s also build our education and health systems. Let’s take care of our people.”
-President Arthur Peter Mutharika has pledged to deliver what he described as “real change” for Malawians, calling for unity, discipline and renewed patriotism as his administration embarks on rebuilding the nation’s economy and public trust.
Speaking during his inauguration ceremony in Blantyre, Mutharika said the election victory was both the will of God and the collective will of the people, reflecting a united national vision and purpose.
He said Malawians had spoken clearly through the ballot, expressing their desire for transformation.
“We all wanted change. We voted for change. We expect change. I promise you real change “zinthu zisintha!” But real change must begin with each one of us.If we want a different Malawi, then we must think differently and do things differently,”he explained.
Mutharika urged his party members and all government officials to regard public service as a responsibility to serve the people, not as an opportunity for personal gain. He warned against corruption and abuse of office, saying the culture of self-enrichment in government must come to an end.
“Malawi does not belong to any individual, any tribe, or any political party not even the DPP.Let us serve the people, not our bellies or families. Government is not a feast. The honeymoon of looting government is over. You are dealing with a different President now,”he said.
He emphasized that his administration, together with Vice President Jane Ansah, would restore discipline, transparency, and accountability in the public sector.
The President extended his gratitude to the people of Malawi for their trust, his running mate Jane Ansah for her effective campaign and DPP alliance partners, including Enock Chihana and the Alliance for Democracy, for their contribution to what he described as “a national consensus.”
He also praised religious leaders for their moral guidance and for standing against corruption, state sponsored violence and injustice.
“The spirit that destroys our nation does not come from outside. It comes from within us.We suffer from a disease of the spirit, and I call upon all faith leaders to help us heal this nation,”Muthalika added.
He further thanked the international community including the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, SADC and the United Nations Development Programme for their continued support to Malawi’s democratic process.
Turning to the state of the economy, Mutharika admitted that Malawi is facing serious challenges including food shortages, high maize prices, fuel scarcity, lack of foreign exchange and a growing national debt burden.
He said the problems were man-made and could be resolved through collective effort and sound leadership.
Mutharika warned Malawians against expecting quick fixes, urging them instead to embrace hard work, patience, and discipline.
He concluded by reaffirming his administration’s commitment to implementing the Democratic Progressive Party’s comprehensive development and governance blueprint, which he said represents a pledge for total transformation.
“The DPP government is ready to govern and ready to rebuild this country.Together, we will make Malawi a place we are proud to call home,”he concluded.
President Bola Tinubu on Saturday, October 4, appealed to Nigerians to embrace religious tolerance. According to him, religion should be a unifying factor and not one used to cause division.
The President said this at the funeral service of Lydia Yilwatda, mother of Nentawe Yilwatda, the national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
He shared a personal reflection on religious coexistence within his own family, explaining that while he practises Islam, his wife, Oluremi Tinubu, is a pastor and that their religion never gets in the way of them living happily as a married couple.
“H@te is not an option for u. Love is what we should preach, that we should love one another. Nobody determines what God has ordained. God’s ordained actions and prophesies what matters.
I inherited Islam from my family. I didn’t change. But my wife is a pastor. She prays for me. No conflict. And I never did, at any single time, try to convince her or convert her. I believe in the freedom of religion. We are praying to the same God. We are answerable to the same Almighty God. We will answer to Him, our deeds, our character, and our love for our fellow beings are what truly matter, not the method or faith of our being.”he said
He offered prayers for the repose of the soul of the late Lydia Yilwatda, who died in August at the age of 83, describing her as a woman of deep faith and service.
Zimbabwe Divided Over Govt’s Water Privatisation Move A major new plan to privatise the water supply in the capital has been announced by the government, sparking a fierce and immediate public debate. The initiative, which will see private companies take over Harare’s entire water value chain, was confirmed by Local Government and Public Works Minister Daniel Garwe. This move has prompted a flood of reactions from citizens, lawyers, and public figures, with many raising serious legal and ethical concerns about the future of a vital public resource.
According to the Herald Zimbabwe, President Emmerson Mnangagwa is scheduled to launch the privatisation project next month. The announcement was made by Minister Garwe at a workshop on 2 October 2025, where he described the public-private partnership as a “crucial step towards restoring order and efficiency in urban service delivery.”
Public Outcry And Legal Challenges The government’s announcement was met with swift and strong criticism on X. Prominent lawyer and opposition politician Fadzayi Mahere directly challenged the legality of the move in a post dated 3 October 2025.
She asked:
“Is this privatisation legally competent in light of the clear provisions of the Water Act and the Urban Councils Act? Does it make sense to privatise and commercialise what’s meant to be a public good? Who are these private players? How were they selected? What safeguards are in place to avoid corruption and abuse which have become rampant whenever such models are adopted?”
Other legal minds echoed this sentiment. Prominent lawyer Obey Shava argued that the move is unconstitutional, stating:
“It is impossible, within the Zim context, to privatize water without the state violating its binding national, regional & international legal obligations on the provision of safe, clean and portable water. This move is retrogressive & contrary to S.77 of the Constitution.”
Another user, Tatenda Kutsirayi, was even more blunt, posting:
“You cannot privatize a human right. This nonsense must never see the light of day.”
A Defence Of The Plan And Calls For Pragmatism Amid the criticism, some defended the government’s logic or urged pragmatism. On 3 October 2025, user Captain (@croc_mar) wrote:
“It is misleading to argue that private sector involvement in water delivery automatically violates constitutional or international obligations. Section 77 of Zimbabwe’s Constitution guarantees the right to safe, clean, and potable water but it does not prescribe that only the state may provide it. In fact, what matters is whether the government ensures access, not whether it is the direct service provider. What is retrogressive is leaving citizens trapped in a failing state monopoly that cannot deliver reliable water.”
Other voices stressed the urgency of solutions. User @simbarahse criticised opponents of the plan:
“You are talking at a privileged zone because vamwe (others) you have boreholes kumba (at your home). Do you think a person from Mabvuku is concerned by who brings water or as long tawana (we get) clean reliable water. Sometimes we must not oppose just for the sake.”
Another user, @Chii57733777145, expressed fatigue with the water crisis:
“Musangoshora zvese (Don’t just criticise everything), some of us are buying [water] which we don’t even know where it’s coming from because of the water woes. If there is a plan let’s explore it.”
Wider Public Suspicions And Comparisons Many reactions reflected distrust of government motives and fears of corruption. User @Tsungyaxe dismissed the move by writing:
“Zimbabwe Pvt Ltd.”
Another, @trublu_chelsea, accused officials of deliberately manufacturing crises to profit from solutions, dubbing it a “Madhuku strategy.”
User @GrainfulTrust took to hyperbole:
“Whats left is to privatize the sun and even tax the air we breathe. I still don’t know how we survived this far without being taxed for using solar in Zim.”
User @MikeWayne80 drew a stark comparison:
“We are becoming an oligarch country. They are taking lessons from Russia. After the fall of the Soviet Union the thieves privatised everything amongst themselves.”
Concerns also emerged about the economic consequences. Analyst Curtley Matavire, in a detailed thread on 3 October 2025, warned:
“And the private is no better — lower costs (layoffs and slave wages) and high prices (may compromise quality of service). So a hybrid solution of private public partnership is a better solution (not best but better) but as you keep reminding us we live in a kleptocracy. Stuck.”
With the official launch expected next month, the debate over the privatisation of Harare’s water supply is certain to intensify.
After three decades in the political wilderness, the Malawi Congress Party’s return to power in 2020 was more than an election victory; it was a national catharsis.
Riding the Tonse Alliance wave, the party promised a definitive break from the past; a new era of renewal, reform, and the moral leadership Malawians felt had been absent for a generation.
Yet, just five years later, the electorate delivered a verdict of profound disillusionment, showing the MCP the door once more.
The critical question is not if they failed. We all know they did.
The question to pursue is why. The answer lies less in a flawed political ideology and more in a fatal flaw of attitude and execution.
This was a tragedy of a government that, upon securing power, forgot the people who granted it, abandoning the solemn duty of disciplined governance for the comforts of high office.
From Historic Mandate to Hollowed-Out Rhetoric The Tonse Alliance’s triumph generated an electric, hopeful mood.
For a moment, it seemed a stubborn page of history was finally being turned. Citizens anticipated a government defined by competence, transparency, and servant leadership. A government that would work.
However, the transition from campaign celebration to the hard graft of governance never fully materialized.
The initial 180-day plan, a critical period for establishing momentum, dissolved into a fog of bureaucratic inertia and political repositioning. Instead of a ruthless restructuring of the state for delivery, the government settled into the old rhythms of power:
Unclear Chains of Command: The alliance structure created competing centres of power, leaving the civil service confused and awaiting clear direction that never consistently came.
Symbolism over Substance: Ribbon-cutting ceremonies and high-profile announcements often preceded, and sometimes replaced, the actual implementation of policies.
The Squandering of Moral Capital: The immense goodwill that propelled the administration was steadily depleted, not in one major scandal, but through a thousand cuts of unmet promises and a perceived detachment from the daily struggles of ordinary Malawians.
The Anatomy of a Failure to Govern
The central tragedy of the MCP-led era (2020–2025) was its inability to translate a powerful electoral victory into effective governance. The promise of “reform” was slowly cannibalized by political expediency.
Consider the tangible gaps:
The Economic Stagnation: Despite promises of a robust economic revival, Malawians endured persistent fuel shortages, a crippling foreign exchange crisis, and rising cost of living. The state’s response often felt like a litany of explanations blaming global factors, rather than a display of proactive problem-solving.
The Unfulfilled Anti-Corruption Pledge: While speaking loudly against corruption, the government’s actions were perceived as selective. Key institutions meant to ensure accountability were not visibly strengthened, and the politically sensitive procurement reforms needed to curb waste never gained decisive traction.
The Communication Chasm: The leadership forgot that the people had elected problem-solvers, not saints. When crises hit, a defensive rhetoric or official silence often took the place of transparent, empathetic communication. This bred deep distrust and a sense that the government was out of touch.
The Politicojuridity View: The Collapse of the Moral Covenant
Through the lens of Politicojuridity, which analyses the nexus of political culture, law, and institutional legitimacy, the MCP’s downfall was predictable. It misread the fundamental foundations of effective African governance.
Power, in this context, rests on a tripod of sacred duties:
The Duty to Care: Leaders must visibly demonstrate that they share in the sufferings and aspirations of their people. A perceived detachment is fatal.
The Duty to Communicate: Transparency is not a favour but a necessity. Defensive or absent communication severs the vital connection with the citizenry.
The Duty to Correct: Wrongdoing within the ranks must be addressed without fear or favour. Tolerance of malfeasance for political convenience irrevocably breaks trust.
In 2025, Malawians did not vote for a competing ideology. They voted against indifference. The moral covenant between the ruler and the ruled had been broken.
Ten Lessons for Malawi’s Future
For the MCP faithful, these are not attacks but necessary truths for redemption. For the neutral critic, they are a blueprint for evaluating any future government.
Governance is Delivery, Not Decoration. State power must be ruthlessly organized to produce results, not to create photo opportunities.
The Grace Period is Short. Promises have an expiration date. Without rapid, visible action in the first 100 days, public patience evaporates.
Reform Must Be Systemic. Removing a few “bad apples” is theatre if the barrel itself: the system of procurement, appointments, and oversight; remains rotten.
Integrity Must Be Institutionalized. The fight against corruption cannot be a political weapon. It requires strong, independent institutions that apply the law uniformly.
Crisis Communication is Core to Leadership. In a storm, citizens look to the captain. Silence or blame-shifting is a dereliction of duty.
Performance is Measured in Lived Experience. The ultimate report card is not a press clip but the price of maize, the availability of fuel, and the dignity of a job.
Factionalism is a Cancer. Competing power centres within a coalition government destroy policy coherence and paralyse the state machinery.
Competence Must Trump Loyalty. The state is not a reward for campaign foot soldiers. It is a complex machine that demands the most skilled operators.
Empathy is Non-Negotiable. Leaders must culturally and emotionally connect with the people they serve. They must be seen to understand the public’s pain.
Tragedy Demands a Human Touch. The mishandling of national crises or moments of grief, be it a disaster or an economic shock, alienates even the most loyal supporters. The Path Forward: From the Pursuit of Power to the Discipline of Purpose
If the MCP, or any political party in Malawi for that matter, seeks redemption, it must begin with public contrition and institutional humility. The people deserve to hear an unambiguous acknowledgment: “We failed to govern as we promised.”
The rebuilding must then begin not with new slogans, but with new structures. The next generation of leaders, from any party, must treat governance as a craft. This requires:
Designing Delivery Units: Embedding small, focused teams within government to track and drive the implementation of key priorities.
Enforcing Accountability: Creating clear, measurable performance contracts for all public officials.
Building a Truth-Respecting Communication System: A machinery that respects citizens enough to tell them the truth, even when it is difficult, and to outline a clear path forward.
Malawi is weary of eloquent failures. The nation now yearns for competent reformers: leaders who understand that in 21st-century Africa, legitimacy is not inherited from history or a party name, but earned daily through humility, tangible order, and demonstrable results.
Final Word
History may record the 2020–2025 era as a lost opportunity. But it can also serve as our most potent lesson: that power, when divorced from purpose and discipline, always ends in pain. Unless this lesson is learned, we in Malawi will continue the futile cycle of changing governments without ever truly changing governance.
At the Africa Politicojuridity Institute, we offer this analysis not to condemn, but to correct. The future stability and prosperity of Malawi depend on it. Our next era must be defined not by the cult of personality, but by the strength and integrity of our institutions.
(c) Published under the Africa Politicojuridity Institute (API) Governance Diagnostics Series
A wave of shock is spreading through Bulawayo following the revelation that nineteen children, all between the ages of 10 and 14, fell pregnant in just eight months. The deeply troubling statistics, which cover the period from January to August this year, were officially released during a National Aids Council stakeholders’ meeting last month. These figures have cast a stark light on a severe crisis affecting the city’s most vulnerable young residents. The situation is further compounded by the pregnancy of an additional 1,166 teenagers aged 15 to 19 during the same period.
According to the Sunday News, the age of consent in Zimbabwe is 18 years, making sexual relations with anyone aged 17 and below a criminal offence. The data shows that twelve of the pregnant children in the 10-14 age group were registered at Bulawayo City Council-run clinics. A further seven cases from this youngest cohort were recorded at the major central hospitals, Mpilo Central Hospital and United Bulawayo Hospitals.
Official Statistics Reveal A Grim Picture The breakdown of the cases from council clinics is particularly alarming. Emakhandeni Clinic reported five cases involving children aged 10-14, while Nkulumane Clinic recorded four. A further three cases from this age group were picked up within the northern suburbs district. The city’s Director of Health Services, Dr Edwin Mzingwane, expressed concern that the true number could be even higher. He suggested that some cases may have gone unrecorded.
“The 1 166 teenagers aged 15 to 19 is part of the number of those who came to the clinics and their cases were recorded. We have those cases where pregnancies are terminated without reaching hospitals. Going forward, we will also be approaching private facilities to get a clearer picture of the situation across the city,” said Dr Mzingwane.
Dr Mzingwane also highlighted the challenges in tackling the issue, noting the difficulty in identifying the perpetrators. He explained that the city plans to change how it records data to better highlight crimes against the youngest minors.
“Those who are under 17 years of age are under-age and the police have to intervene. It’s not easy to reveal who is impregnating them. Communities are reluctant in revealing the identities of the individuals impregnating minors,” he said.
Community Stigma And A City-Wide Crisis The problem is not confined to specific neighbourhoods. Councillors present at the meeting stressed that the scourge of child pregnancy, affecting both the 10-14 and 15-19 age groups, is a city-wide issue. Ward 10 Councillor Khalazani Ndlovu explained that shame and stigma often force families to seek help outside their own communities, masking the true origin of the cases.
“This is a citywide problem. It is not a problem that is limited to certain wards or areas. There are cases where a pregnant child from Cowdray Park is recorded at a Mzilikazi clinic because the parents are too embarrassed to register the child at a clinic in their own area,” said Clr Ndlovu.
Bulawayo’s Deputy Mayor, Councillor Edwin Ndlovu, voiced his profound concern over the high number of child pregnancies across both age brackets. He pointed to poverty as a root cause and called for a coordinated government response to protect young people.
“The biggest problem we have is poverty. As council, Central Government, through its Department of Social Development among other agencies, we should go into communities and identify vulnerable children and come up with ways of helping them. By looking at the statistics, I believe we are trying to solve symptoms of a problem that is already affecting communities,” he said.
The deputy mayor added that even the older teenagers in the 15-19 cohort are not ready for the responsibilities of motherhood, stating, “even those who are aged 19 years are still too young to understand the institution of marriage.”
Somalia is staring at a worsening hunger crisis as the United Nations food agency warns it will be forced to cut emergency rations for hundreds of thousands due to a lack of funds.
The World Food Program (WFP) said on Friday that its assistance will drop dramatically, cutting the number of recipients from 1.1 million in August to just 350,000 by November. The agency blamed “critical funding shortfalls” for the reduction.
“We are seeing a dangerous rise in emergency levels of hunger, and our ability to respond is shrinking by the day,” said Ross Smith, WFP’s director of emergency preparedness and response. “Without urgent funding, families already pushed to the edge will be left with nothing at a time when they need it most.”
The latest U.N. assessment shows that 4.6 million Somalis are battling crisis levels of food insecurity, including 1.8 million children who are expected to suffer acute malnutrition this year. Of those, 421,000 face severe malnutrition. So far, the WFP has reached only about 180,000 children.
The situation is compounded by decades of conflict, insecurity, and the grip of al-Shabab militants over parts of the country. On top of this, climate disasters, alternating droughts and floods, continue to devastate harvests and livelihoods.
The crisis has been made worse by cuts in U.S. foreign aid, which further strained humanitarian groups already unable to match the rising demand for relief.
The WFP estimates in a report that it will require $98 million to “sustain a minimum of life-saving operations for 800,000 people through the lean season until March 2026.”
The European Union has announced the extension of its sanctions against Russia until October 2026, citing what it described as Moscow’s continued “hybrid threats” across Europe, including cyberattacks, disinformation efforts, and destabilising influence operations.
In a statement issued on Friday, October 3, the Council of the European Union confirmed that the restrictive measures will now remain in force until October 9, 2026. The move, the Council said, highlights the bloc’s determination to respond decisively to Russia’s “persistent destabilising operations.”
The sanctions framework was first introduced last year and specifically targets individuals and entities involved in so-called hybrid warfare, a mix of cyber operations, propaganda, and political interference. Currently, the regime covers 47 individuals and 15 organisations. Those listed are subject to asset freezes and travel bans across EU member states.
Under the terms of the renewed sanctions, EU citizens and companies are strictly prohibited from making funds, assets, or any form of economic resources available to the blacklisted individuals or organisations. Likewise, those on the list remain barred from entering or transiting through the territory of any EU country.
According to the European Council, the continuation of the sanctions is aimed at deterring Russia from engaging in further hybrid activities and at safeguarding the democratic institutions of Europe from interference. “Restricting Moscow’s destabilising influence remains essential to maintaining regional peace and supporting Ukraine,” the statement said.
The extension also reflects what Brussels described as a unified and long-term stance by EU member states in countering Russia’s evolving tactics. Officials stressed that hybrid operations, which combine elements of cyber warfare, covert influence, and disinformation, represent an ongoing threat that must be addressed with equal persistence.
While analysts acknowledge that the sanctions have disrupted some Russian networks, they also point out that the measures have not fundamentally altered Moscow’s strategic posture. Still, observers say the EU’s decision signals an intent to confront hybrid warfare beyond conventional military confrontation and to sustain pressure on Russia over the long term.
The Trump administration is offering a one-time stipend of $2,500 to unaccompanied migrant teenagers who choose to voluntarily leave the U.S. and return to their home countries, according to a letter sent to federal migrant shelters by the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Office of Refugee Resettlement.
This financial incentive is the latest effort by the administration to encourage voluntary deportations, following a previous offer of $1,000 for adult migrants to “self-deport.”
The letter, according to Reuters, indicates that unaccompanied teenagers aged 14 and older are eligible for the “one-time resettlement support stipend.”
However, an official from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) stated the offer would initially be made to 17-year-olds first. Minors from Mexico are not eligible for the program, but children who had already volunteered to depart as of the date of the letter are covered.
The payment is contingent on an immigration judge’s approval of the voluntary departure request and the child’s safe arrival in their country of origin, according to statements from both ICE and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). Andrew Nixon, HHS communications director, defended the program, stating it “gives UACs [unaccompanied children] a choice and allows them to make an informed decision about their future.”
Immigration advocates have strongly condemned the stipend, calling it a “cruel tactic” that is coercive and undermines legal protections for vulnerable children. Wendy Young, president of Kids in Need of Defense, argued that the children are seeking safety and should not be pressured into returning to dangerous conditions.
Critics also express concern that the $2,500 sum could sway children—who may not be old enough to make complex legal decisions—to abandon their right to a fair hearing for potential asylum or other legal claims.
Under federal law, migrant children arriving at the U.S. border without a parent or legal guardian are classified as unaccompanied and placed in government-run shelters under the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement until they can be placed with a vetted sponsor.
As of last Thursday, more than 2,100 unaccompanied children were in HHS custody. The administration’s attempts to accelerate the deportation of migrant children have repeatedly faced legal challenges, including a recent case where a federal judge temporarily blocked the deportation of a group of Guatemalan children with active immigration cases. Since 2019, over 600,000 unaccompanied minors have crossed the U.S.-Mexico border.
A British man has been found dead in Dubai after swallowing several packages of drugs, one of which reportedly burst open in his stomach.
The victim, identified as 20-year-old Jensen Westhead, is said to have ingested packages of cocaine before boarding a flight to the United Arab Emirates from Manchester Airport. Authorities believe one of the packets ruptured inside his body, leading to a fatal overdose.
Westhead’s body was discovered at the Hotel Avalon in Dubai on December 4, 2024. His sudden death prompted an immediate investigation into possible trafficking and criminal involvement connected to the drugs he had carried.
Following inquiries, four people were charged in connection with the case. Rebecca Hatch, Glenn Hatch, Alexander Tofton, and Steven Stephenson have all been accused of conspiracy to fraudulently evade the prohibition on the exportation of a Class A drug.
In addition, Stephenson faces further charges relating to his alleged role in the supply of cocaine. The defendants are scheduled to appear before Lancaster Magistrates’ Court on October 31, where the charges will be formally heard.
Dubai is known for enforcing some of the world’s strictest drug laws. Even the possession of trace amounts of a banned substance can result in harsh sentences, ranging from long-term imprisonment to, in the most severe cases, the death penalty.
The Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC) and Meta Platforms Inc. have moved to settle their dispute over the regulator’s $32.8 million fine and a slate of compliance directives issued against the company for alleged violations affecting Nigerian users’ data.
Lawyers for both sides informed Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court in Abuja on Friday that talks were well advanced. The judge had been set to rule on the NDPC’s preliminary objection to Meta’s suit, as well as Meta’s request to amend its court filings. Instead, at the parties’ request, he put the ruling on hold to allow negotiations to continue.
Meta’s counsel, Fred Onwuobia, SAN, told the court the parties had “reached an advanced stage of settlement” and warned a ruling could derail those efforts. “The draft terms of settlement have been exchanged,” he said while asking for an adjournment to report back on the outcome. NDPC counsel Adeola Adedipe, SAN, confirmed that “settlement discussions have advanced appreciably” and urged the court to allow time so the terms could be returned for adoption as a consent judgment.
Justice Omotosho said the court encourages amicable resolution and indicated he would withhold his ruling for now. The matter was adjourned to October 31, 2025, for either a ruling or adoption of any agreed terms.
The regulator’s push began in February, when the NDPC levied a $32.8 million penalty and issued eight corrective orders after receiving a petition from the Personal Data Protection Awareness Initiative alleging Meta conducted behavioral advertising on Facebook and Instagram without users’ explicit consent. The Commission also cited a failure to file a 2022 compliance audit, breaches of cross-border data transfer requirements, and processing of data belonging to non-users, among other alleged contraventions.
Meta challenged both the findings and the procedures that led to the Final Orders. In a motion filed March 19, the company argued it was denied due process and a fair hearing, saying the Commission did not give adequate notice or an opportunity to respond before issuing the directives. Meta’s lead counsel, Prof. Gbolahan Elias, SAN, asked the court to quash the enforcement orders, arguing they offend Section 36 of the Constitution.
The NDPC countered with a preliminary objection, insisting Meta’s suit was incompetent and that the court lacked jurisdiction because, in the Commission’s view, Meta did not comply with Order 34 of the Federal High Court (Civil Procedure) Rules on judicial review. Adedipe also argued Meta’s originating summons and supporting statements were misaligned, rendering the case defective, and accused the company of trying to replace reliefs already obtained ex parte with new ones “under the guise of an amendment,” contrary to the rules. He urged the court to dismiss the application outright.
Meta followed with an April 23 motion seeking leave to amend its initial statement so it would mirror the reliefs in the originating summons, saying the goal was to harmonize the documents. Justice Omotosho had earlier granted leave to commence judicial review but refused to stay the NDPC’s orders pending determination of the suit. After hearing arguments, he fixed October 3, 2025, for a consolidated ruling on the NDPC objection and Meta’s amendment motion—an outcome now deferred while the parties pursue settlement.
The U.S. Treasury Department released a draft design for a $1 coin on Friday, October 3, 2025, that would feature President Donald Trump to commemorate the 250th anniversary of American independence in 2026.
The draft design, images of which were shared by U.S. Treasurer Brandon Beach on X, shows a profile of President Trump on the front, alongside the words “liberty” and “1776-2026.”
US unveils draft design for $1 Trump coin to mark 250th independence celebrations
The reverse side of the coin depicts President Trump with a raised, clenched fist in front of an American flag, with the words “fight, fight, fight” inscribed. This imagery is a reference to a statement he made after surviving an assassination attempt last year.
A Treasury spokesperson confirmed that a final design for the commemorative $1 coin has not yet been selected, but stated that “this first draft reflects well the enduring spirit of our country and democracy, even in the face of immense obstacles.”
The proposal has sparked debate over its legality. While Congress passed bipartisan legislation in 2020 authorizing the Treasury Secretary to issue $1 coins in 2026 with designs “emblematic of the U.S. semiquincentennial,” the law explicitly prohibits including a “head and shoulders portrait or bust” or a “portrait of a living person” on the reverse of the coin.
Additionally, there is an older 1866 law that generally prohibits the portrait of any living person on U.S. currency, though this law primarily refers to paper money.
Legal experts have suggested that the design’s depiction of a wider illustration of President Trump on the reverse side may be an attempt to sidestep the ban on a “head and shoulders portrait or bust.” Another law concerning presidential dollar coins, which prohibits depicting a living president, is argued by some to apply only to the specific series of coins meant to honor each president.
White House spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt, when asked if President Trump had seen the draft design, responded, “I’m not sure if he’s seen it, but I’m sure he’ll love it.”
The release of more information about the coin’s final design is currently on hold, as Treasurer Beach indicated updates would be shared following the end of the ongoing partial government shutdown.
Thomas Tuchel has effectively confirmed the ‘end of Kyle Walker’s England career’ with a blunt one-word response that left little room for doubt.
The 35-year-old defender, capped 96 times, last played for England in a 2-0 win over Albania in March but has since been overlooked. Despite featuring regularly for Burnley this season, Walker was again absent from Tuchel’s latest squad announcement on Friday, October 3, ahead of matches against Wales and Latvia.
Tuchel has opted instead for younger options, naming Chelsea’s Reece James and Tottenham’s Djed Spence, who can also provide cover at left-back. Even with Real Madrid’s Trent Alexander-Arnold unavailable, Walker was still not recalled.
When asked if he had contacted Walker to explain the decision, Tuchel simply replied, “No.” His blunt response contrasted with the calls he personally made to other high-profile omissions, including Jude Bellingham, Phil Foden, Jack Grealish, Adam Wharton, Trevoh Chalobah, and Curtis Jones.
The England manager justified his selections by pointing to the team’s impressive 5-0 win over Serbia last month, which he described as “my team’s best camp, best performance, and best result.” He insisted that keeping faith with the same group was essential for maintaining credibility.
“After the Serbia match I went into the dressing room and told them how proud I was,” Tuchel explained. “If I then leave four players out and bring in others, what credibility would I have? The players would question everything I said. For me, as a coach, you need to walk the talk.”
For Walker, Tuchel’s cold dismissal strongly suggests his long and distinguished international career has come to a quiet, unceremonious close.
Sean “Diddy” Combs is facing yet another lawsuit, this time from a woman who accuses him of s3xually assaulting her in a Los Angeles nightclub while she was celebrating her 20th birthday.
The lawsuit, filed by Houston attorney Tony Buzbee, who represents more than 100 clients suing Diddy for s3xual assault, claims the incident took place at Club Playhouse around November 1, 2016.
According to court documents obtained by TMZ, the woman, identified as Leiana Ripley, says Diddy approached her with a drink and demanded she consume it. When she initially refused, he allegedly told her: “Bitch, I am not asking you. Drink that shit and shut the f** up.”* Feeling intimidated, she says she complied.
Ripley claims Diddy then put an arm around her and used his other hand to shove up her skirt and penetrate her with his fingers, telling her: “Bitch I do what I want, take that s*.” She says she tried to push him away, but he laughed and seemed amused by her distress before eventually releasing her.
She says she left the club in shock, called a cab, and returned to her hotel, where she felt disoriented, dizzy, and unable to stand on her own. By the next morning, she allegedly discovered bruising and a tear in her genital area, which she attributes to the assault.
Ripley says she continues to suffer from lasting mental trauma and is seeking damages.
Diddy’s attorneys, who were in a New York courtroom Friday, October 3, for his sentencing in a separate criminal case, have not yet commented on the new allegations.
Whoever, if it’s a Bemba who will be on top and an Easterner as running mate, we will win – Mumbi Phiri
By Mubanga Mubanga
Senior PF member Mumbi Phiri says whether the PF chooses a Bemba president and an Easterner as running mate or vice-versa, they will win the general elections next year.
But PF secretary general Raphael Nakachinda said the “nonsense” of tribalism will not be tolerated in PF as it must be confined to the ruling UPND.
In a voice note posted on one of the PF’s WhatsApp groups and availed to Daily Revelation by sources, Phiri said whether the PF chose a Bemba president with an Easterner running mate, or vice versa, they were going to win the elections.
“Counsel Chisanga is saying the truth, this post you have posted is saying the truth. And that is what some people are failing to see. Whoever, if it is Bemba who will be on top, an Easterner running mate we will win. If it is an Easterner on top, a Bemba running mate
⬆️ PF Faces New Rift as Makebi Zulu, Tasila Lungu Eye 2026 Ticket
The Patriotic Front’s internal struggle for power has taken a fresh twist as sources within the opposition party reveal growing tension over plans by lawyer Makebi Zulu and former First Daughter Tasila Lungu to contest as president and running mate ahead of the party’s convention.
The development has sparked renewed anxiety within the PF and its allied Tonse Alliance, where factional divisions continue to widen following the death of former president Edgar Lungu in June. Insiders say Zulu and Tasila, who have remained in South Africa since Lungu’s death, are quietly consolidating support among party loyalists from Eastern and Muchinga provinces.
Their reported ambitions have already drawn criticism from within the party’s top ranks. PF Secretary General Raphael Nakacinda has issued a stern warning, declaring that any form of tribal mobilisation will not be tolerated.
“Any manner of tribalism must end within the UPND government boundaries and must never be entertained within the ranks and file of the Patriotic Front,” Nakacinda told hundreds of party members during an ongoing structural audit in Chirundu District.
He reminded supporters that the PF was a national movement, not a regional project. “The Patriotic Front belongs to all well-meaning Zambians. It cannot and will not be confined to one part of the country,” he said, in a veiled rebuke of those seeking to frame the party’s succession around regional loyalty.
The comments come amid growing concern that the PF’s power struggle has spilled into ethnic politics. Analysts say the race to succeed Lungu has divided the party along familiar lines — between those favouring Lubinda’s camp in Lusaka and those aligned with Lungu’s inner circle in South Africa.
Makebi Zulu, who served as Eastern Province Minister and was one of Edgar Lungu’s most trusted legal advisers, has become a key figure in the ongoing dispute over the former president’s body, which remains in South Africa months after his death. His growing political visibility has led some within the PF to view him as a potential successor, but others accuse him of exploiting the party’s grief for political advantage.
Tasila Lungu, who served as MP for Chawama, is said to be playing an increasingly active role behind the scenes, coordinating with Zulu’s supporters in what insiders describe as “a soft campaign” built on loyalty to her late father.
At the Chirundu meeting, PF Lusaka Province Chairperson Christopher Shakafuswa praised the local structures for expanding membership and reaffirmed the party’s strength despite growing infighting. “The commitment we have seen from our grassroots members gives us hope. PF remains the people’s party,” he said.
However, political observers warn that the optimism may be misplaced. With the PF’s acting president Given Lubinda facing resistance from factions within the Tonse Alliance, and several senior figures positioning themselves for a possible convention, unity remains fragile.
“The PF is entering a defining moment,” said one Lusaka-based analyst. “If they fail to manage succession with discipline and transparency, they risk turning tribal tension into full-scale fragmentation. The ghost of Lungu’s influence still hangs over the party, and until that is resolved, PF cannot rebuild.”
As the PF prepares for its long-delayed convention, the real test will not be who emerges as candidate, but whether the party can convince the nation that it has learned from its past and is ready to rise above factionalism.
The Patriotic Front has spent the weekend exposing what it has long denied; that tribal politics are not just part of its past, but its present identity. Two of its most prominent voices, Raphael Nakacinda and Mumbi Phiri, spoke on the same day in different places, but said the same truth from opposite sides of the fight.
Nakacinda, addressing party structures in Chirundu, finally admitted that tribalism had taken root within the PF. His warning that “any manner of tribalism must end within the UPND boundaries and must never be entertained in the PF” was, for once, a confession that the rot exists. It was a statement the country had waited years to hear.
Across town, Mumbi Phiri is trending for her own version of honesty though far less noble. Speaking in a private WhatsApp discussion and later quoted by News Diggers, she argued that the PF would only win the 2026 elections “if a Bemba picks an Easterner as a running mate.” In her words, “If it’s a Bemba with an Easterner, we will win.” She went further to suggest that an Easterner would also win if they chose a Bemba as running mate. It was a clean declaration of what PF has always practiced but never said publicly; tribal arithmetic disguised as strategy.
The two statements, though made in different settings, define the PF’s crisis. Nakacinda’s camp preaches unity, but Mumbi’s camp is calculating alliances based on bloodlines. She is openly backing Brian Mundubile or any other Bemba figure to take over the party leadership. Given Lubinda, the acting party president left in charge by Edgar Lungu, is being sidelined not because he lacks competence, but because he is Lozi. Within the PF, that is apparently enough to disqualify you.
This is the hypocrisy of a party that built its brand on calling others tribal. For years, PF leaders have accused the UPND of ethnic politics while running the most regionally concentrated government since independence. The records are public. Between 2011 and 2021, key cabinet and diplomatic appointments were dominated by officials from two regions. Readers who doubt this can verify it for themselves by visiting the Parliament of Zambia website and downloading the official appointment lists.
The same pattern is replaying in the Tonse Alliance, PF’s broader coalition experiment. What was once sold as an inclusive front against the ruling party is now collapsing under the same weight of regional rivalry. When cadres stormed Sean Tembo’s residence last week to disrupt a meeting of opposition leaders, it was not about policy. It was about control. PF’s unresolved tribal divisions had spilled into Tonse’s living room.
Even the endorsement of Makebi Zulu by Chris Zumani Zimba fits this script. Zulu, Lungu’s family lawyer, remains in South Africa months after the former president’s death, managing the legal standoff over his burial. While Zumani hails him as “a credible presidential candidate,” others within PF see him as part of a faction loyal to Tasila Lungu, another tribal bloc disguised as loyalty.
Nakacinda deserves credit for finally acknowledging what the PF has long denied. But admission without reform means little. The PF must confront the system it created, a political machine that rewards tribe over competence and loyalty over merit. Zambia deserves a politics that organizes ideas, not surnames.
Mumbi Phiri’s outburst is therefore more than a scandal. It is a mirror. It shows how deep the ethnic lens has shaped PF’s thinking and how far Zambia still has to go to free itself from politics built on tribe rather than trust.
The irony is painful. PF leaders claim to defend national unity yet are the loudest architects of division. They mock others for being tribal while calculating electoral math based on regions. The mask has fallen.
This weekend has proved one thing: the PF’s problem is not external. It is internal, ideological, and deeply moral. The party that once claimed to unite Zambia is now fighting itself over who qualifies to lead not by vision, but by origin. And until that changes, its talk of national unity will remain just that; mere talk.
last evening on I-WAVE Chingola station during a discussion over a better leadership under the young or old, a number of callers shared thier views with majority believing that leadership under a youthful team can achieve more compared to the older leadership before Tasila Lungu was brought up for discussion by callers as a kind of leader who was needed at such a time as this.
A caller who goes by the name of Bashi Malani stressed that it was time overdue for a female leader to lead this nation, not only because we have had only male figures lead but because we needed new hope for the female population that has worked tirelessly for our nation to be where it is but with little recognition in our society.
Another caller who addressed herself as Bana Pundu stated that when she was younger she was more active in her community compared to now when she was of older age before she vied for youthful leadership such as the one in Burkina Faso under the youthful leadership of Ibrahim traore.
Bana Pundu did not also hesitate to mention Mrs Tasila Lungu who she believes has the right spirit and potential to take our country to greater heights.
Bembas plus Easterners will win – Mumbi Phiri (audio)
Actually Mumbi Phiri is just quoting from the PF inner-anchor-constitution. It’s a tribal party that believes a President should be Bemba, this speaks volumes why they have not respected and accepted president Hichilema.
Now where does it leave Given Lubinda and Raphael Nakachinda from the so called Zambezi Region?
PF’s current situation demands more than loyalty—it demands leadership. The courts have trapped the party in endless litigation, while the ruling elite quietly celebrate. A movement that once commanded the streets, Parliament, and the hearts of Zambians now sits motionless by the roadside, waiting for a broken bus to move again.
This paralysis must end. No member is bound by any rope, chain, or law to a name that has lost meaning. PF is not a certificate; it is a spirit, an idea of resistance and hope. Ideas do not die—but they do migrate. The time has come for that migration.
The rescue plan must begin with courage. Someone must stand up, step out of the comfort zone, and say, “Enough waiting.” History does not remember those who stayed in stalled vehicles; it remembers those who built new roads. Michael Sata did not inherit MMD—he left it. He took a handful of believers, formed the Patriotic Front, and rewrote Zambia’s political history.
Across the seas, Emmanuel Macron, then an unknown minister, broke from France’s traditional parties. Thirteen months before the election, he launched En Marche!—a movement of hope, not bureaucracy—and within a year, he became President. That is the courage of conviction, not convenience.
PF must now do the same. The rescue plan is not rebellion—it is restoration. It begins with a small group of courageous leaders declaring that the people’s cause is greater than the courtroom drama. These leaders must provide direction, structure, and a fresh identity—a new vehicle for the old dream.
*Step One: Declare the Reality.* PF is held hostage by court processes that may drag beyond 2026. Its legal status is frozen, its leadership disputed, its accounts restricted. Pretending otherwise is denial. Members must be told the truth: this battle is political, not judicial.
*Step Two: Preserve the People, Not the Name.* The true PF is not the paper at the Registrar of Societies—it is the millions of Zambians who still believe in justice, economic empowerment, and national pride. Let them move together, not scatter in confusion. A structure must be built to house their energy.
*Step Three: Form the Transition Movement.* Under Tonse or a fresh alliance, a Special Purpose Vehicle must be created—a temporary but functional platform where PF MPs, mayors, councillors, and district officials can regroup and operate lawfully. The aim is not to abandon PF’s legacy but to safeguard its mission until the storm passes.
*Step Four: Appoint Transitional Leadership.* A council of credible figures—clean, courageous, and visionary—must guide the movement. Their job is to coordinate, consult, and prepare for an elective convention in the new structure. Leadership failure brought PF here; bold leadership must take it out.
*Step Five: Mobilize the Grassroots.* PF’s strength was always its base—the ward officials, women’s clubs, bus drivers, and marketeers. Reconnect with them. Create regional teams. Use social media, churches, and local radio to rebuild the network. The people must see that the opposition still lives and breathes among them.
*Step Six: Present a New Political Covenant.* Zambians are tired of quarrels and court summons. They want stability, dignity, and solutions. The new movement must present a simple, powerful message—restoring order, protecting livelihoods, and defending democracy. It must be a home for all disillusioned citizens, not just PF loyalists.
*Step Seven: Engage the Diaspora and Business Community.* PF was once a people’s party but became closed to new energy. This time, let it be open. The diaspora and business leaders must help fund, brand, and modernize the movement. Politics without resources is faith without action.
*Step Eight: Build Alliances, Not Enemies.* The Tonse Alliance is fractured but redeemable. True leadership is measured not by how many you exclude but by how many you unite. Engage NDC, FDD, PeP, and all willing forces. In unity lies strategy; in division lies defeat.
*The truth is simple:* the courts may decide who owns PF, but they cannot decide who owns the people. No legal document can cage conviction. Every member must now ask: am I loyal to the certificate or to the cause? To the name or to the nation?
Let the courageous lead. Let them walk out of paralysis and into purpose. Politics rewards action, not complaint. Zambians are ready for a new chapter—they are simply waiting for a leader bold enough to turn the page.
As children, we sang: “Follow, follow, follow—the leader.” Today, that song calls again. Follow a leader who speaks sense, not slogans. Follow one who unites, not divides. Follow one who sees the horizon beyond the courtroom walls.
It is time for decisive leadership. Time to leave the comfort of factionalism. Time to build a new ark before the flood of 2026 arrives. Let those who can see the storm not waste their faith on a broken bus. Hope is calling—and those who follow it will shape Zambia’s future.
DID YOU KNOW THAT JOHN SANGWA COULD HAVE GRADUATED AS A JOURNALIST FROM UNZA IF HE DID NOT CLASH WITH PROFESSOR FRANCIS KASOMA, HIS MASS COMMUNICATION LECTURER?
Hey folks,
The other evening, I was listening to Mr John Sangwa, one of Zambia’s renowned constitutional lawyers as he appeared on Ambassador Emmanuel Mwamba’s podcast dubbed “VERIFIED”, articulating his issues.
One of the callers to this program from the United States, Professor Jones Kasonso, wondered if Sangwa ever spoke any of Zambia’s local languages and asked where he was born from or who his chief was; something to that effect, if I remember correctly.
As I listened to this question, I could hear some undertones and my mind went to the year 2002/3 when Sangwa and his partner in the law firm, Robert Simeza, accepted instructions to defend former president Frederick Chiluba after he was arrested for corruption and abuse of office following the lifting of his immunity from prosecution.
During that time, Sangwa and Simeza had become so unpopular among some Zambians and civil society organisations, not to mention the government. The hostility was developed against the duo as it was said that they had betrayed the people’s cause because the two lawyers had earlier stood against the excesses in the Chiluba government in terms of human rights abuse, press freedom and freedom of expression violations.
In the midst of that hostility, there were rumours that Sangwa’s father hailed from Congo and he [John Sangwa] should, therefore, be deported to the DRC.
So, in April 2003, I sat down with John Sangwa to discuss this issue, among others. Sangwa said he did not lose sleep over the matter.
“The decision that we made was founded on one basic principle: the principle of the rule of law,” Sangwa said. “Dr. Chiluba, like any other person, has a right to legal representation and the law says anyone accused of a crime is assumed innocent until proved guilty. Our involvement was basically to send that clear message…”
Arising from Professor Kasonso’s question, I thought I could share with you, my memorable followers, an excerpt from my 2003 conversation with Sangwa. From this excerpt, you will see how daring Sangwa has been since his high school days. At the University of Zambia (UNZA) in the mid 1980s, he abandoned his mass communication training for law, after his Professor marked him wrong for researching beyond what was taught in the lecture theatre.
So here below is the excerpt from Conversations with Memorable Personalities; by Amos Malupenga, pages 453-456.
Amos Malupenga: Give me your full names and a brief background about yourself.
John Sangwa: I am John Peter Sangwa. According to my parents, I was born on 29th December, 1964 in Mansa. I grew up on the Copperbelt. I have attended so many schools that I cannot even remember the order in which I attended school. One of the primary schools I attended was Mutakwa Primary School in chief Mungule’s area in Lusaka rural. The other school was Riverrain Primary School in Kitwe. From there I went to Natwange Primary School in Chimwemwe. It was at Natwange where I sat for my grade seven exams.
This was in 1977 and I was the smallest pupil in my class. I remember when the results were scheduled for publication for about two days I couldn’t sleep or eat properly. Finally, when the results were announced, out of about 40 pupils I was among the four who passed to go to form one. I was accepted at Kitwe Boys Secondary School.
From Kitwe Boys I went to Mpatamatu Secondary School. My father was by then working for the mines in Luanshya and we were staying in Mpatamatu Township. Then we shifted to Roan Township so I was forced to move to Roan Antelope Secondary School [RASS] which was near home. From RASS I moved to Luanshya Boys Secondary School.
From there my family moved to Mufulira. This should have been around 1980 and I got enrolled at Kantanshi Secondary School. I started off in form three. I passed to go to form four in 1981. My father had stopped working at the time for the mines and he had found another job in Mansa and we were in the process of moving again.
This was a period of uncertainty. We did not know whether we would move to Mansa or remain in Mufulira. So, I couldn’t go back to school to take up my place in form four.
I finally went in the middle of the first term to claim my position. The headmaster asked, ‘Where have you been?’ I said, ‘I have been around.’ He said you are not taking up the place because you are late. I explained what kind of family problem I had. He maintained his position. That was 1982. I was told to start school the following year.
I was quite disappointed and decided to fight my case. I made representation and some of the teachers said, ‘You can follow up your case in Ndola’ where the provincial education offices were based. That was my first experience with authority. I went to Ndola and saw the Provincial Education Officer.
I was a very tiny boy that time and I walked into this huge office and presented my case. The Provincial Education Officer said, ‘We have a system of decentralisation; we don’t control schools anymore from the centre.’
So, whatever I wanted to do collapsed. I spent the whole of 1982 in the compound. And I shall forever be thankful to God that I remained in the compound that year in the sense that from the time I started primary school, I was just moving from one grade to the other.
Sometimes not even appreciating what we did in the previous grade because the system was that whether you passed or not you went to the next grade.
That one year was a year that enabled me to take stock of my life. And it was an important year in the sense that I had taken school for granted. Now to stay in the compound for one year without doing anything, not knowing what you are going to do that particular day, without even the sense of purpose or direction, was not a good thing.
Well, I waited and 1982 ended. I went back to school in 1983 and I discovered that the headmaster who said I should go back the following year had been transferred. There was a new headmaster I still remember, Mr. Siisi. I had to make my case afresh. He asked if I had any letter to show that I was supposed to start school. I said no but one of my teachers who taught me English was still there, so he backed up my story and I was finally given my place.
At that time my dream was to be an engineer. I never thought I would be a lawyer.
When I look back, I see that although I desired to be an engineer, God had other plans for me. And the way it was that time, for you to do some engineering course at the university, you had to do some science subjects at secondary school. And it turned out that although I had sat for General Science those days, my grades for science were not there. When I made representation they said it was late; I should have followed it up there and then but it was over a year and most of the scripts were destroyed, so it would be difficult to trace them even if they were there.
And that time we had four streams of form fours. The cream were placed in one class and the classification went down like that. And I was put in the last class. The only science I could do was Human and Social Biology. This was not the class for the cream ones. I was in grade 11C, the last class. That’s how I met a few good friends; some of them are still good friends to this day. I met Berry Lwando [the current ZNBC Director General] , Edward Jere who is now working for Barclays Bank in Mufulira and one girl, Evelyn.
But coming from the background of having stayed one year in the compound, I appreciated everything that was given to me. I took it that first of all I did not deserve a place but nevertheless it was given to me. And I think my friend Jere is one of the interesting characters. He came from night school and he did so well that he was transferred to a day school. Jere was very good and together we created a very competitive environment in class. I remember that when he was not number one, I was, and if I wasn’t and he wasn’t then Evelyn would be number one and Berry would come trailing behind.
Finally when we sat for grade 12, our intake produced the largest number of distinctions in the history of Kantanshi Secondary School.
For the first time, form five C produced people that went to the university. My friend Jere, Berry and myself went to the University of Zambia. Evelyn didn’t make it to UNZA although she had a division one.
That’s how I found myself at the university in 1985, after finishing grade 12 in 1984. Berry and I were in the School of Humanities while Jere was in the School of Education. After first year, Jere left because he didn’t want to become a teacher, so he went to Copperbelt University.
Amos Malupenga: Before you talk about your life at campus, let’s talk about your father because I heard from the grapevine that you were almost deported recently, I don’t know to where.
John Sangwa: Well, my father Davies Sangwa is dead. He died about five years ago [in 1998]. My mum is still alive. My father married a couple of times. In my family, same mother same father we are two but in the family we are about seven of us. I am the second born. My elder brother Oliver still lives in Mufulira. There are also my sisters Rose, Sandra, my late sister Rachael and brother Davies.
My father was from North-Western Province in Mwinilunga district. He was in the civil service for many years as a medical assistant and all these places we had been to is where he was posted to work.
Amos Malupenga: Now talk about your graduation from UNZA and where you worked after that.
John Sangwa: I graduated from UNZA in 1989. But first there is something that I have to mention. Initially, when I went to UNZA, I was in the Mass Communications quarter. There I changed my mind because I had a clash with the late Professor Kasoma. He was one of my lecturers. I wasn’t able to write notes in his course and one of the things I did in this particular course was that each time we had lectures I used to go to the library and do my own notes.
I remember him giving us a test and I wrote some of the things I read on my own as answers and he marked me wrong. This upset me and I confronted him. I said, ‘This stuff you have marked me wrong is actually correct because I can show you the book and page where I got this stuff.’ He said, ‘This is not what I taught you in class’ and I said, ‘If university education was all about reproducing the lecturers’ notes, then there is no use for one to sit in the library.’ That year ended and I decided to change my quarter.
Amos Malupenga: Were you to become a journalist at the end of your Mass Communication course?
John Sangwa: Yes, because one of the problems we have in this country is lack of information. That time my intake was the second in the field of Mass Communication and Mass Communication was highly talked about. We were made to believe that it was the in thing and a proper field.
We were quite excited about it and I didn’t have time to think through what I would be. But I think I was merely swayed by the fact that Mass Communication was highly talked about. Then I left the School of Humanities and went to law school in my second year. That’s where I met Robert Simeza in 1986. From that moment we became friends …
An excerpt from Conversations with Memorable Personalities; by Amos Malupenga, pages 453-456.
I hope Professor Jones Kasonso (in the diaspora) will place an order for his copy of the Conversations’ book on Amazon.com so he can enjoy the full conversation.
Picture caption: John Sangwa at his office in Lusaka reading through his conversation when he received a copy of the Conversations’ book a few days before its official launch in May 2022.