Olympic boxing champion Imane Khelif has said she is willing to undergo a s£x test to be eligible for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics, while responding to claims by former US President Donald Trump that she is a “male boxer.”
Khelif, 26, rose to global prominence after winning gold at the 2024 Paris Olympics, but her victory at the Games sparked controversy amid claims that she had allegedly failed a gender eligibility test the previous year.
In 2025, World Boxing then confirmed that fighters would be required to undergo mandatory sex screening to compete in their events, singling out Khelif when making the announcement, which the governing body later apologised for.
Khelif has not competed since the tests were introduced, taking her fight to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) in a bid to compete without being tested, for which a hearing is yet to be held.
And while the Algerian fighter said she ‘will not surrender’ in her case against the organisation, she is willing to take a sex test in order to compete at the Olympics in two years’ time.
‘Of course, I would accept doing anything I’m required to do to participate in competitions,’ Khelif told CNN.
‘They should protect women, but they need to pay attention that while protecting women, they shouldn’t hurt other women.’
Last year, Trump signed an executive order entitled ‘Keeping Men Out of Women’s Sports’. The president referred to Khelif as a ‘male boxer’ who had ‘transitioned’ and ‘stole the women’s gold medal’ by competing in Paris.
The President doubled down on calling Khelif a ‘male’ during a speech to Republican lawmakers in January.
Trump has previously claimed that Khelif is transgender, comments which are incorrect. The boxer was born female but is believed to possess the SRY gene, which is associated with male s£x chromosomes.
The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), in cooperation with the U.S. Department of State’s Narcotics Rewards Program, is offering a $10 million reward for information that leads to the arrest and/or conviction of Iván Archivaldo Guzmán Salazar.
The reward applies to information that helps law enforcement locate, apprehend, or secure a conviction against Guzmán Salazar.
Salazar is identified by U.S. agencies as a key leader of the “Los Chapitos” faction of the notorious Sinaloa Cartel.
Iván Archivaldo is one of the sons of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera, the former cartel boss now serving a life sentence in a U.S. prison.
He and his three brothers known as the “Chapitos” inherited drug trafficking networks from their notorious father “El Chapo”.
Since his father’s incarceration, Archivaldo and his brothers have taken over large parts of the cartel’s operations and are linked to transnational drug trafficking and violence.
ICE’s announcement describes Guzmán Salazar as a dangerous, armed fugitive wanted for his role in narcotics distribution and related criminal activity.
The agency is urging the public to report any credible information to Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) to help bring him to justice.
Tips can be submitted anonymously through ICE, Homeland Security Investigations, or the State Department’s Narcotics Rewards Program.
His two half-brothers—Ovidio Guzmán López and Joaquín Guzmán López—have been arrested, extradited to the U.S., and entered plea deals or faced trials.
Iván’s brother, Jesús Alfredo Guzmán Salazar is also a named fugitive who is subject to another $10 million reward.
In a world where most people are chasing the bag and the happy, the wealthiest man on the planet says money doesn’t make a man happy.
Elon Musk is worth $852.5 Billion as of February 2026 after surpassing Jeff Bezos in 2022.
Musk ended Jeff’s 4-year streak as the world’s richest man ($171 Billion) with his $219 billion.
Since then, Elon Musk has been on top.
There are a lot of people in the world whose happiness depends on money. It is mostly not about the money, but the problems it solves make people who possess enough very happy.
Parents feel happy when they’re able to meet the needs of their kids without struggling, men can make their lovers happy without struggling too much.
All of the happiness above is acquired through money, but it seems Elon disagrees.
He posted on his official X account that “Whoever said ‘money can’t buy happiness’ really knew what they were talking about.”
Since Elon might be going through a rough patch, people in the comments expect him to use at least a percentage of his wealth to solve the problem.
Researchers have revealed that most rich men are lonely and depressed but have no one to talk to or share thoughts with because people expect them to be happy.
They find it hard to speak to others when they need comfort because it might end up on the internet.
Whoever said “money can’t buy happiness” really knew what they were talking about 😔
A social media personality from India is trending all over after he was named “India’s Most Handsome Man.”
Suraj Chavan, known by many as the “Justin Bieber of India,” became a national phenomenon after being dubbed “India’s most handsome man” by netizens.
He is nicknamed the “Indian Justin Bieber” for his striking resemblance to the Canadian pop star—complete with similar hairstyles, facial features, and youthful vibe.
Suraj began producing videos in Marathi, always focusing on challenges, spontaneous expressions, and an authenticity that quickly set him apart.
His rise accelerated in 2024 when he won the fifth season of Bigg Boss Marathi, a popular regional editions of the Indian reality show.
Currently, Suraj Chavan has over 2.9 million followers on Instagram, where he posts content that explores humor, everyday life, and cultural trends.
His success on social media opened doors to film, with roles in productions such as Musandi (2023), Raja Rani (2024) and Zapuk Zupuk (2025).
Recently, Chavan married his long time girlfriend in a grand style.
Under direct US pressure, China still dominates global shipbuilding
Despite years of explicit US threats, restrictions and proposed penalties aimed squarely at China’s shipbuilding and maritime industry, the 2025 data tells a very clear story.
China didn’t just absorb the pressure, it stayed firmly on top.
According to official industry figures, China secured 69% of all new global shipbuilding orders in 2025, totalling 107.82 million deadweight tonnes. That’s more than the rest of the world combined, even as Washington openly discussed measures to curb China’s dominance at sea and it wasn’t a one-off.
China ranked #1 in new orders for 16 out of 18 major ship types, underscoring that US attempts to constrain China’s maritime rise have not altered market reality.
This matters because shipbuilding became a direct point of friction between China and the US last year.
The US government floated port fees and punitive measures targeting Chinese-built vessels, while publicly vowing to revive its own long-declined shipbuilding industry.
The result?
China continued to lead all three core indicators, new orders, completed output and order backlog, for the 16th consecutive year, even under sustained external pressure.
Some context below:
Completed output in 2025 reached 53.69 million DWT, up 11.4% YoY, accounting for 56.1% of global production
Order backlog climbed to 274.42 million DWT, or 66.8% of the world total
Chinese yards now hold 3–4 years of confirmed orders
Ship exports exceeded US$55 billion, sharply up from US$43.4 billion in 2024
Yes, South Korea increased its share of new orders to 21.6%, with some in Seoul openly viewing US pressure on China as an opportunity to position Korean shipyards as “strategic alternatives”.
But even with that shift, the gap remains vast.
This is the part often missed by Western media:
Shipbuilding isn’t just docks and steel; it’s supply chains, skilled labour, finance, energy, logistics and long-term industrial planning at national scale.
That ecosystem overwhelmingly sits in China.
You can threaten fees, you can impose restrictions and you can talk about industrial revival. But the global market has already made its choice, with contracts, capital and long-term orders.
And in 2025, despite direct US pressure, it chose China.
One thing about Jay-Z? Silence is his loudest reply.
This man does not argúe online. He doesn’t tweet. He doesn’t explain himself. He doesn’t even breathe the same internet air as the rest of hip-hop 😭
When serious all8g8tions pop up with his name attached, Jay doesn’t rush to Instagram notes. He doesn’t call bloggers. He simply hands the whole thing to his lawyers and continues living his billionaire life.
After Diddy’s i§§ues blew up and some women also mentioned Jay’s name, guess what happened?
Nothing. No statement. No post. Just silence and legal teams working quietly in the background.
Tory Lanez’s father and team once tried to dr@g him into Tory’s situation — till today, Jay has not said one word.
When fans got angr¥ that he chose Kendrick over Lil Wayne for the Super Bowl in New Orleans, Jay said nothing. Wayne even addressed it in his music… still no response.
Kanye West mentioned his family, made wild accus8t¡ons — Jay stayed quiet.
Nicki Minaj accu§ed him of owing her over $200 million — Jay-Z acted like he didn’t see, hear, or exist on the same planet.
No interviews. No online back and forth. No dis§ tracks. No social media. Just vibes, lawyers, a legendary wife, and billionaire status.
At this point, Jay-Z’s level of silence is not normal — it’s strategy. Honestly, this kind of discipline should be a full course in business school.
PF WILL CONTEST AUGUST POLLS UNDER A DIFFERENT NAME – LUBINDA
GIVEN Lubinda says the PF has realised that it cannot hope to go into the August elections using the party’s name.
Lubinda, who is PF acting president, says the party will therefore contest the polls using an umbrella it will choose for the convention, to be held by the end of February.
Meanwhile, Lubinda says the party did not fire those who attended the Dan Pule-led Tonse Alliance elective conference but only accepted their decision to relinquish their membership after they affiliated themselves with another political organisation.
Speaking when he appeared on Diamond TV, Wednesday, Lubinda said the party had come to a realisation that the Judiciary would continue to adjourn PF legal matters indefinitely.
“The Patriotic Front does not exist on paper, the Patriotic Front exists through its members not on paper. What has been in the courts is the ownership of the documents, that has been the issue of contention in court. Who are the registered office bearers at the Registrar of Societies? That is what has graced the courts, it is not a question of where the members are.
The members are the ones who subscribe to the ideals of the party called the Patriotic Front and a party is not just the paper, a party are its members. So those who are encouraging our members of Parliament, our councillors to join other political parties claiming that the PF only exists on paper are not being truthful,” he said.
“What the Patriotic Front is, is a collection of its members. I was in Mpika only the other day and I met with numerous members of the political party called the PF. And this is the reason why the central committee said now it is clear that the Judiciary will continue to adjourn these matters indefinitely, and we can not hope to go into the August elections using the Patriotic Front.
Let us instead gear ourselves and prepare our members to prepare to go to conferences under whatever umbrella we shall choose, which umbrella we shall use to contest and win the August elections”.
Lubinda said preparations for the convention to be held before the end of February were going on smoothly.
“True to my word, after 12th January the following Saturday which happened to have been 17 January, the Central committee met and deliberated on the matters that were before the High Court. And they looked at the proceedings in the High Court, which were namely the adjournment of the ruling in Kabwe and the adjournment in the judgment in Lusaka. The Central Committee decided that this was now water under the bridge.
We shall not continue to wait for the Judiciary to be playing imingalato, to be delaying their judgments because this is not in the favour of the PF. We therefore decided that by the end of February the party would be taken to a conference under whatever umbrella would be chosen by the party,” he said.
“We also met last Saturday and reaffirmed that position, so as we stand today we are happy to report that everything is going in very complete progression towards holding the conference before the end of February”.
Asked to comment on the expulsion of Brian Mundubile and other members, Lubinda said the central committee did not expel anyone on its own volition.
“The communiqué after the Central Committee [meeting] of Saturday was very clear, the Central Committee decided to accept the decision that was taken by the people you were talking about to affiliate themselves to a political organisation other than the Patriotic Front.
The Central Committee did not on its own volition expel any one. And please make it clear, much as I’m president of the PF, I report to the Central Committee and I’m under the direction of the Central Committee, as president. I don’t direct the Central Committee. I report to and I’m directed by the Central Committee,” he said.
“The Central Committee is guided by the constitution and as all of you are aware, there is no political party that will allow its members to belong to other political organisations apart from that political party. And in this particular case, the Central Committee received a report which stated that the named people attended a general conference, an elective conference of a body to which the Patriotic Front does not belong against the instructions of the party and because of that, the Central Committee simply accepted that those individuals had relinquished their membership of the Patriotic Front”.
Asked if he had endorsed the decision by NCP leader Peter Chanda to endorse Makebi Zulu as NCP’s presidential candidate, Lubinda responded in the negative, adding that Chanda’s remarks were political sentiments for his party.
He added Zulu spoke to him to dissociate himself from Chanda’s endorsement and was therefore in good standing with the PF.
“Not at all, the Patriotic Front is not in the business of interfering with decisions of other political parties. Much as the NCP approached us in the Tonse Alliance for them to be re-admitted to the alliance after they resigned their membership of the Tonse Alliance, we have no control whatsoever of their political decisions.
What we have control over are the decisions made by our members. We heard the statement issued by Peter Chanda that they had adopted one of our members to be their presidential candidate, that is totally beyond our control.
What we will control is whether a member of the Patriotic Front offers themselves and is accepted to be a member or a presidential candidate, parliamentary candidate or a candidate for council as a councillor, council chairperson or mayor of another political party, that is what is in our domain,” said Lubinda.
“So the statement that was made by Peter Chanda remains a political statement for the NCP not for PF. We will only be able to make decisions, once and if our member goes out and makes a statement or when we see evidence that our member has offered themselves and accepted to be a member of another political party.
He [Makebi Zulu] actually spoke to the president of the Patriotic Front and dissociated himself from that statement. He still remains a member in good standing with the Patriotic Front”.
TONSE Alliance faction leader Brian Mundubile yesterday declined an invitation from the Council of Elders to attend their planned indaba set for February 19.
Mr Mundubile accused the council of attempting to impose their preferred candidate to challenge President Hakainde Hichilema in the upcoming August 13 elections.
He is not the only one who has raised eyebrows against the council.
Citizens First (CF) has raised concerns over the make-up of the Council of Elders, questioning its impartiality, describing it as a group largely made up of former Patriotic Front (PF) members.
And during a meeting held in Ibex Hill yesterday, convened by Reverend Edith Mutale and attended by former Vice-President Inonge Wina and Dr Lawrence Mwelwa, Mr Mundubile challenged the selection process for choosing a presidential candidate.
“A meeting was arranged by Reverend Mutale, with attendance from former Vice-President Inonge Wina and Dr Lawrence Mwelwa. Hon Mundubile candidly expressed his discomfort with the process the council is using to identify a leader,” a source present at the meeting revealed.
Meanwhile, CF national youth chairperson Maxwell Chongu has questioned the sincerity of the Council of Elders’ call for opposition political parties to unite.
Mr Chongu, a former PF member, has also interrogated the council’s mandate and its composition, whose majority members he said support PF.
TONSE Alliance faction National Chairperson Chris Zumani Zimba has advised the Given Lubinda‑led Patriotic Front to form a new political party if they wish to join the alliance.
Zumani has questioned why senior PF leaders such as Professor Nkandu Luo, Jean Kapata and Lubinda are clinging to an alliance they did not create, indicating that their party has never been part of Tonse.
Recently, Kapa, who is PF faction acting National Chairperson warned the ‘ECL PF Movement’ within the Tonse faction to stop immediately, stressing that the party would “take them on physically” if they persist.
In an interview, Zimba described the faction’s actions as a source of confusion in the opposition.
He added that in the Tonse Alliance, they do not recognise Kapata, Professor Luo, Miles Sampa, and others.
“I’m even shocked that adults at that level have failed to create their own alliance, they are clinging to something that was created by other people, owned by other people and just trying to cling to it.
So, to me they are a source of chaos and confusion because they have brains to create their own alliance, why are they displaying political intellectual redundancy? They have no capacity or confidence to create their own alliance, how do you claim to own what you never created? How do you claim to own what you don’t own? Something you don’t even know when it was created and why it was created.
So, to me they are displaying political impunity, political malice, a high level of political anarchism and chaos in the opposition. So, in Tonse Alliance we don’t recognise Jean Kapata, Professor Luo, Miles Sampa and even Honourable, we don’t recognise them,” Zimba said.
“But our appeal to them is that let them focus on their own, they only have two options; number one is the fact that Miles Sampa sold PF to the UPND and went back to PF only with his fingers, he never went back to PF with PF. So, their option now is to create a new political party because PF doesn’t exist to those people, PF exists in the UPND and under Chabinga.
So, my recommendation to them is that let them form a new political party and maybe that new political party can apply to join Tonse Alliance and we can consider them, we don’t have problems. But if they want to come to Tonse Alliance in the name of PF, that is politically not feasible and not practical because PF as a party is not a part of Tonse”.
He argued that the only PF structure formally recognised within the Tonse Alliance was the ‘ECL PF Movement’, which was established by late former president Edgar Lungu.
“The policy is that the ‘ECL PF Movement’ was created by ECL before he died, he was the chairman and the founder and he is the owner of that movement, and it’s in the Tonse constitution.
So, if you read the Tonse Alliance constitution which we signed during the launch under Dr Edgar Chagwa Lungu, the institution that was recognised in that constitution was the ‘ECL PF Movement’. It was created by ECL himself, approved by ECL himself and it was left in Tonse to us by ECL himself.
So those who are trying to fight the ECL PF Movement, they are fighting ECL himself. And if they are claiming that they want to physically fight the ECL PF Movement, they are literally undermining and insulting the legacy of ECL because that’s what he left in Tonse Alliance. He didn’t leave PF because it has never been a member of the Tonse Alliance, ECL refused to make it a member of the Tonse Alliance. By the time we were forming Tonse Alliance ECL was stranded because Miles Sampa had already sold PF to the UPND,” said Zimba.
“So, ECL never wanted anything to do with the PF as a political party in Tonse Alliance because at that time PF was already in the hands of the UPND by Miles Sampa and Robert Chabinga. So, the ECL PF Movement is here to stay because it is the legacy of ECL and that’s what he left in Tonse Alliance, he never left PF as a political party.
We don’t even recognise those threats. Madam Jean Kapata has never been a member of the Tonse Alliance, she doesn’t even know when Tonse Alliance was formed and why it was created.
We are the creators of Tonse Alliance with ECL, Sean Tembo and Dan Pule. Professor Nkandu Luo, Jean Kapata, Miles Sampa, Celestine Mukandila, you name it, they don’t even know why we created Tonse Alliance, they were not there on the table and I never saw any of them during the formation”.
KAPWEPWE CONFIRMS SHE HAS BEEN APPROACHED FOR RUNNING MATE SLOT
LATE former vice-president Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe’s daughter, Mulenga Kapwepwe, has disclosed that she has received several offers to be considered as a running mate ahead of the 2026 general elections. She says the approaches have come from different political directions, although she has not committed herself to any arrangement.
Speaking in an interview, Kapwepwe confirmed that discussions around her possible role as a running mate had taken place but said the position could not be assumed or imposed. She stated that such a role must be offered formally and considered carefully, taking into account broader political circumstances.
Kapwepwe explained that while she was grateful for the interest being shown, she remained cautious about making any commitments. She said the position of running mate carried significant responsibility and could not be taken lightly or treated as symbolic.
Asked whether she would accept the position if formally offered, Kapwepwe said she could not give a definitive answer at this stage. She stated that such a decision would depend on the context, the vision of those making the offer, and whether the role aligned with her principles and understanding of leadership.
Kapwepwe emphasised that leadership should be anchored in competence and purpose rather than personal ambition. She said the focus should always be on what best serves the country and strengthens governance structures, rather than individual political advancement.
She also reflected on the legacy of her late father, former vice-president Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe, noting that leadership required depth, clarity of thought, and a commitment to national unity. Kapwepwe said the values she had inherited from her upbringing shaped how she viewed political engagement and responsibility.
Kapwepwe stated that leadership must be driven by substance and the ability to address real challenges facing the country. She said a running mate should bring balance, capacity, and strategic thinking to a presidential ticket, rather than being selected for convenience.
On speculation surrounding her political future, Kapwepwe said she preferred to engage in meaningful dialogue rather than public conjecture. She said decisions of such magnitude required careful consideration and should not be rushed in response to external pressure.
She further stated that women had an important role to play in national leadership and governance, adding that representation should be matched with competence and credibility. Kapwepwe said leadership positions should empower individuals to contribute effectively to policy and national development.
Kapwepwe indicated that while politics often generated speculation, she remained focused on engaging with issues that affected ordinary citizens. She said her interest lay in contributing to national discourse in a way that upheld integrity and responsibility.
The disclosure comes amid heightened political activity as parties and alliances begin positioning themselves ahead of the 2026 general elections. Discussions around presidential tickets and potential running mates are expected to intensify as the electoral calendar progresses.
Kapwepwe said she would continue to listen, reflect, and engage constructively, but stressed that any decision regarding a running mate role would only be made after careful evaluation of the broader national interest.
Makebi to state position on NCP presidential endorsement this week DESPITE growing confusion and disagreements within party structures New Congress Party (NCP) president Peter Chanda has defended his decision to endorse lawyer, and PF member Makebi Zulu as the party’s presidential candidate, saying the move is fully supported by the party constitution
The endorsement has triggered uncertainty inside and outside the NCP with reports suggesting that some party members were unaware of the process used to select Zulu.
Chanda told Kalemba that the NCP constitution gives him authority to appoint a presidential candidate if he chooses not to contest.
“The constitution gives me the mandate to appoint a candidate when I decide not to run myself,” Chanda said. He dismissed claims that the decision was irregular, insisting it followed internal rules.
However, the announcement has been met with mixed reactions, with some party members alleging that no formal consultations were held before Zulu’s name was unveiled.
Furthermore, the country and keen followers of Zambian politics have been put on suspense after Zulu was quoted in separate media reports saying he was surprised by the nomination as well and had not been officially informed beforehand.
NCP spokesperson Erasmus Mukondo Chendela backed Chanda, saying Article 41 of the party constitution allows the party president to appoint any person he considers suitable.
“When it comes to party structures, all of us are aware of that clause. We are here where we are because of Edgar Chagwa Lungu, and all members were briefed about the coming of Makebi Zulu,” Chendela said.
Chendela said the late former president Edgar Lungu was considered a unifying figure for the party and that the decision to approach Zulu was part of a broader political strategy.
He added that Zulu, who is yet to accept the endorsement is expected to publicly clarify his position later this week. “We are expecting developments this week when Honourable Zulu will state whether he accepts the invitation,” Chendela said.
He further revealed that the party had prepared multiple options in case Zulu does not accept the party presidency ahead of the August 13 elections.
“Plan A was the late President Edgar Chagwa Lungu. Plan B is Honourable Makebi Zulu, and Plan C is President Peter Chanda himself,” said Chendela.
The controversy comes at a time when opposition alliances remain fragile, with parties struggling to agree on common candidates. By Haggai Hamunyemba Kalemba February 4, 2026
PF STRUCTURES MUST RALLY BEHIND BRIAN MUNDUBILE’S TONSE ALLIANCE IN THE AWAKE OF EXPULSIONS;
First and foremost I want to take this opportunity to condemn in strongest possible terms the conduct of Mr Given Lubinda’s faction of continued expulsion of legitimate members from the Patriotic Front without legitimate reasons when actually he is supposed to be engaging in constructive dialogue in order to promote the spirit of unity in the party which is more paramount at the moment.
This conduct is totally unacceptable and unnecessary and above all where is Mr Given Lubinda’s faction drawing its powers from to continue transacting PF business when actually there is an interlocutory injunction which was issued by the Kabwe High Court rightly or wrongly in favour of Morgan N’gona restraining anyone or their agents from transacting any business of the PF until further order of the court?
Fellow members of the Patriotic Front it is important to note that good leaders are known during the time of a crisis on how they resolve a crisis and as such I feel that the action by the so called PF central committee which sat yesterday to expel members without legal authority is merely compounding the already volatile situation in the party.
Therefore I want to make an earnest appeal to all PF structures throughout the country to reject the undemocratic style Mr Lubinda is running the party because expulsions are not the solution to resolving the problems which have engulfed the Patriotic Front but through constructive and genuine dialogue.
Further,I want to urge all PF party structures throughout the country to align themselves with the legitimate leadership of Hon Brian Mundubile as TONSE President because we have no luxury of time to continue wasting time arguing with enemies of progress especially that the election of Brain Mundubile as TONSE torch bearer has been welcomed by the majority members country wide.
Furthermore, may I also draw the attention of the opposition leaders in the country on the circular purportedly issued by the Electoral Commission of Zambia(ECZ) on qualifications of presidential candidates in light of the 2026 general elections which the electoral body has described as fake however the matter must not be taken lightly because there is no smoke without fire and as such they maybe something cooking.
Lastly but not the least I would like to advise the ECZ that Zambia is not going to hold a general election for the first time and as such the Electoral Commission of Zambia(ECZ) shall not be allowed to prescribe qualifications for presidential or any other candidates which are in conflict with the Zambian constitution and I think that message must be made abundantly very clear to ECZ as any action which violates the provisions of the constitution which is the supreme law of land shall be challenged legally.
Issued by;
Hon Yotam Mtayachalo Member of parliament for Chama North
🇿🇲 EDITORIAL | Kalaba is Right, But Politics is Not a Seminar
Harry Kalaba is saying out loud what many opposition figures whisper in private: PF does not know how to share space.
On Emmanuel Mwamba Verified, Kalaba described a familiar pattern. Unity talks begin, handshakes follow, and then PF arrives with the same script every time: we provide the candidate, we control the secretariat, we remain the anchor, everyone else becomes an escort. Kalaba’s point is simple. Citizens First was not formed to validate PF’s return to power. It was formed because PF politics had become rotten, corrupt, and unserious. He did not leave to become a passenger in the same vehicle.
He is correct.
PF has never fully adjusted to opposition life. It still behaves like a party that owns the country by default. Every alliance becomes a takeover. Every negotiation becomes a coronation. Smaller parties are expected to clap, not contribute.
This mentality has killed opposition unity before, and it will kill it again.
But Zambia’s politics is not driven by moral arguments alone. It is driven by numbers.
Kalaba can speak about equality and partnership all day, but elections do not reward speeches. They reward structures, ground strength, and transferable votes. Recent by-elections have exposed this brutally.
Citizens First finished third in both Chawama and Kasama. PF did not even contest directly, yet its backed vehicle, FDD under Tonse, won Chawama and came second in Kasama. That is the uncomfortable truth: PF still has voters. PF still has remnants of machinery. PF still has value, even when legally disfigured and internally collapsing.
So PF’s arrogance is not just ego. It is also leverage.
This is where the opposition reality becomes ugly. Kalaba wants unity without subjugation. PF wants unity with dominance. One side fears absorption. The other fears irrelevance if it gives up control.
Subjugation is exactly what is happening across the opposition space. Tonse is now splitting. Mundubile is building a parallel centre. Lubinda is expelling. Makebi is being unveiled by another party. Everyone is shouting unity while grabbing territory.
Kalaba is right to warn against being buried in PF’s coffin while still alive. PF politics is heavy. It drags everyone into its chaos, its court battles, its legacy fights, its addiction to Edgar Lungu’s name like it is a religion.
But Kalaba must also face the hard arithmetic. Standing alone may preserve purity, but it does not win elections. Politics is not a seminar where everyone gets equal marks. It is a majority contest.
Zambia’s opposition has two choices.
Either build a coalition based on clear rules, shared programmes, and discipline, or continue this cycle where PF demands worship, smaller parties demand respect, and UPND quietly collects seats.
Kalaba deserves credit for refusing to be swallowed. He should keep building Citizens First as a serious post-PF alternative. His future is longer than PF’s memory.
But the opposition must stop pretending that unity will come from good intentions. Unity will only come when parties accept one reality: alliances cannot be built on dominance, and they also cannot be built on slogans.
Kalaba is right.
PF must learn partnership.
And Zambia’s opposition must learn that without structure, law, and clarity, unity will remain just another press statement.
UPND says HH’s 2026 campaign will be financed locally
The ruling United Party for National Development has stated that President Hakainde Hichilema will rely on local resources to fund his 2026 re-election campaign, according to UPND and Government spokesperson Cornelius Mweetwa.
Mweetwa said the President’s economic activities and political base are rooted in Zambia, leaving no justification for claims that foreign funding will be involved. He said the President’s long-standing investment record within the country demonstrates confidence in domestic economic systems.
Campaign financing often becomes a focal issue during election cycles, with parties facing scrutiny over funding sources and spending practices. Mweetwa said the statement was intended to address speculation early and provide clarity before the campaign environment becomes more active.
He said locally sourced campaign funding promotes accountability and reinforces a direct relationship between leadership and voters. According to Mweetwa, campaigns supported by domestic resources reflect public confidence rather than dependence on outside interests.
The spokesperson also rejected suggestions that state resources would be used for partisan purposes. He said the ruling party remains committed to maintaining a clear separation between government functions and party activities and will comply with all legal requirements governing campaign financing.
Mweetwa said the funding approach mirrors the administration’s broader policy direction, which emphasizes local investment and national ownership. He said political campaigns should reflect the same principles promoted in governance and economic management.
As Zambia moves closer to the 2026 elections, campaign funding strategies are expected to attract increased attention. Mweetwa said the UPND’s position is clear and consistent: President Hichilema’s campaign will be financed from within Zambia, in accordance with the law and established political norms.
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs in the PF Government and Citizens First President Harry Kalaba gave a fiery prognosis of the Patriotic Front’s role in the opposition on Emmanuel Mwamba Verified, arguing that opposition unity in Zambia has repeatedly collapsed because of PF’s insistence on dominance rather than partnership.
Kalaba rejected claims that Citizens First is resistant to unity, insisting instead that his party has been at the forefront of outreach efforts. He said he personally engaged several opposition leaders in search of common ground, only to encounter what he described as a recurring pattern: PF’s expectation to act as the anchor of any alliance, to provide the presidential candidate, control the secretariat, and effectively dictate terms. In his framing, this reduces other parties to escorts whose role is to validate PF’s political comeback rather than participate as equals.
He warned that such arrangements weaken smaller or newer parties, stressing that Citizens First was not formed to escort anyone to power. Kalaba linked this dominance mentality to the collapse of previous alliances, including the United Kwacha Alliance, which he said failed after outside actors associated with the former ruling party attempted to impose leadership structures and terms of reference. Unity, he argued, must be genuine, ideologically aligned, and mutually strengthening.
However, the electoral reality emerging from the most recent by-elections complicates Kalaba’s position.
In both Chawama and Kasama, Citizens First finished a distant third. Importantly, the Patriotic Front did not contest either election directly. Instead, PF partnered with the Forum for Democracy and Development under the Tonse Alliance banner. In Chawama, the FDD candidate won the parliamentary seat. In Kasama, FDD emerged second in the mayoral contest, outperforming Citizens First in both cases.
This detail is central to understanding PF’s confidence and negotiating posture. The results suggest that PF’s strength is not merely institutional or historical, but transferable. Even when contesting indirectly, PF-backed formations continue to command significant electoral support. Voters who identify with PF appear willing to consolidate behind allied candidates, reinforcing PF’s belief that it remains the most effective opposition vehicle on the ground.
Kalaba’s critique, while principled, appears to understate this factor. PF’s insistence on anchoring alliances is not driven solely by entitlement or arrogance, but by demonstrated electoral influence. In contrast, Citizens First’s growth, though measurable in percentage terms, has yet to translate into competitive positioning in high-stakes by-elections.
This exposes a deeper contradiction within the opposition. Kalaba argues for unity built on equality, ideological coherence, and mutual respect. PF, emboldened by alliance-backed victories and near-victories, operates from the assumption that leadership should follow proven vote-mobilising capacity. One side resists absorption. The other resists dilution of control.
Until this tension is confronted honestly, opposition unity will remain stalled. Kalaba’s intervention highlights the moral and structural risks of dominance politics. Chawama and Kasama, however, highlight the electoral risks of standing alone.
Between principle and pragmatism, Zambia’s opposition remains divided, not for lack of dialogue, but for lack of agreement on what should ultimately lead the coalition: ideals, or votes.
🔵 TIZ URGES LIVINGSTONE MAYOR TO STEP ASIDE ON MORAL GROUNDS
Transparency International Zambia has called on the Livingstone mayor to consider stepping aside on moral grounds, emphasizing that ethical leadership requires accountability beyond legal survival.
In its statement, the organization said public officials are expected to uphold standards that protect public confidence. It said remaining in office during periods of ethical concern can weaken trust in local governance, even when no legal barrier exists.
TIZ said stepping aside on moral grounds should be seen as a measure to safeguard institutional integrity rather than an admission of guilt. It said such decisions can help stabilize public institutions and reinforce accountability.
The organization highlighted the importance of leadership credibility in local government, noting that municipal leaders directly influence service delivery and community confidence.
TIZ said ethical responsibility requires leaders to assess how their continued presence affects public perception and institutional trust. It said democracy depends on leaders who prioritize integrity over position.
The organization said moral accountability strengthens transparency and reinforces respect for public office. It said leadership guided by integrity supports stronger governance systems.
TIZ said its call reflects ongoing efforts to promote ethical leadership and accountability across public institutions. It said decisions taken during moments of scrutiny often shape public confidence in governance.
ZAM RING BELLS OF ECONOMIC TRANSFORMATION AS INDUSTRY PASSES ON BENEFITS TO ZAMBIANS
A KBN TV EDITORIAL
The past few days have shown that Zambia is on a promising path toward greater economic stability and our manufacturing sector is demonstrating that progress is not just theoretical – it is being translated into real benefits for everyday Zambians.
Recent improvements in the macroeconomic environment including the appreciation of the Kwacha, easing inflationary pressures to single digit as announced by the Zambia Statistics Agency ZAMSTATS and reductions in fuel prices are creating an enabling environment for businesses to thrive.
For many a critic, these economic fundamentals do not automatically translate to reduced costs of living and doing business for ordinary citizens and small businesses, respectively.
But local manufacturers have proven to be the all important part of the economic jigsaw puzzle by responding proactively to these changes in the sector by ensuring that these gains are passed on to consumers as end users directly on the ground.
The Zambia Association of Manufacturers (ZAM) reports that over 30 companies have already implemented price reductions, with sectors such as agro-processing, milling, paints, pharmaceuticals and plastics recording reductions between 5% and 20%
A survey conducted by ZAM in January 2026 shows that 76% of manufacturers have implemented some form of price adjustment.
These tangible actions signal a strong commitment from the sector to support national efforts aimed at reducing the cost of living, demonstrating responsible pricing and transparency.
On 13th January, 2026, Government, through the Ministry of Commerce, Trade and Industry, reinforced this positive momentum when Minister Chipoka Mulenga called on the business community including traders, retailers, manufacturers and wholesalers, to pass on the benefits of the Kwacha’s appreciation to consumers.
The minister had emphasized that price adjustments that reflect current economic realities are essential for Zambians to fully benefit from favorable exchange rates, lower inflation, reduced fuel costs and improved electricity supply.
By doing so, businesses not only ease the cost of living but also strengthen consumer purchasing power, stimulate demand and support sustainable business growth.
It is worth underlying that a bullish Kwacha contributes to price stability, helps contain inflationary pressures and enhances market competitiveness.
Responsible pricing, therefore, promotes fair trade practices, protects consumers and builds confidence in the marketplace. Most importantly, it also benefits businesses by driving higher trade volumes, improving customer trust, and supporting long-term market sustainability.
This clear alignment between government expectations and private sector action demonstrates a shared commitment to ensuring that the gains from a stronger economy are fairly and transparently shared with Zambians.
While these developments are encouraging, we must acknowledge, as ZAM President Mohammed Umar stated, that manufacturing prices are shaped by a complex cost structure. Exchange rate gains are positive, yet ongoing pressures such as energy costs, pricing of locally sourced inputs, domestic interest rates, and certain tax adjustments implemented in 2025 continue to affect the cost of production.
This highlights the importance of sustained policy support, clear regulation and predictable frameworks that enable manufacturers to pass efficiencies consistently to consumers.
This is a moment to celebrate collaboration. Manufacturers, policymakers, and consumers all operate within the same ecosystem, and progress in one area strengthens outcomes for all.
The story is one of hope and shared responsibility. Manufacturers are not only responding to economic indicators but also taking deliberate steps to support Zambian households and communities through price reductions when the atmosphere demands so. This is a demonstration of leadership, resilience and partnership between the private sector and government.
Ultimately, reducing the cost of living and ensuring affordability for consumers is a shared national objective. With coordinated policy action as has been shown in the recent past, transparency and continued engagement, Zambia’s manufacturing sector is well-placed to drive investment, expand production and pass the benefits of economic growth to every Zambian.
For us, the message is clear. When government, industry and citizens work together, progress is not just achievable. It is visible, measurable and shared by all and Zambia’s manufacturers are rising to the occasion whereby every Zambian stands to gain when the trajectory is sustained.
ZCCB Orders Withdrawal of Article Linking Church to Political Movement, demands immediate apology.
By Staff Reporter
The Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops (ZCCB) has dismissed claims linking it to a purported political grouping described as a “government in waiting,” and has demanded a public apology from an online news blog, The Editor Zambia.
In a statement issued on February 3, 2026, and signed by ZCCB President Rev. Bishop Ignatius Chama, the ZCCB said an article published by The Editor Zambia on February 2, 2026, titled “Planned Conference Is And Tribal Treasonous,” falsely alleged that the Catholic Bishops were behind a so-called “National Conference of Democratic Change Advocates.”
The Bishops clarified that the ZCCB has no connection whatsoever to the alleged conference and did not participate in the formation of any movement referred to as “the government in waiting.”
The Church further distanced itself from the claims made in the publication, reaffirming its long-standing position of non-partisanship.
The ZCCB has since demanded that The Editor Zambia withdraw the article and issue a public apology by February 6, 2026, warning that failure to do so will result in legal action.
The Bishops emphasized that their role is to serve as a prophetic voice in society by offering guidance on governance, morality, and spiritual matters, in line with their pastoral mandate.
They have advised the public to disregard the publication in question.
SUPREME COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA YET TO DECIDE WHERE ECL WILL BE BURIED
Today, eight months ago, Zambia lost its sixth President Edgar Changwa Lungu(ECL), who is yet to be buried, as his remains, remain in a South African mortuary.
The delayed burial of the 68-year-old lawyer follows an impasse between Government and the Lungu family in relation to how the burial should be handled.
The family has made it clear that before Mr Lungu’s death, he indicated that in an event of his demise, his successor, Hakainde Hichilema, should not be anywhere near his body.
But the Government has insisted that Mr Lungu’s body needs to be flown back home from South Africa where he died, June 5, 2025, in readiness for burial, in Lusaka, where an open tomb is already dug for him at Embassy Park.
In line with precedent, President Hakainde Hichilema is likely to attend the burial if Mr Lungu’s remains are flown back home for interment.
For now, the country waits for South Africa’s Supreme Court of Appeal to determine a lawsuit by the Lungu family which is challenging that country’s High Court’s decision to allow the repatriation of Mr Lungu back home for burial.
So, what does the delayed burial say about who we are as a people-in terms of Christianity, culture-and how we resolve differences?
Did the Church and our elders, both in Zambia and region, let us down on this issue?
FOR the first time in Zambia’s and arguably Africa’s history at large, former president Edgar Lungu happens to be the only former African head of state who has remained unburied eight months after his death.
Today marks exactly 245 days since Lungu died at a clinic in South Africa on June 5 last year.
Despite the passage of time, the country still has no clue when or where the former president will be buried.
Lungu’s remains continue to lie in a South African funeral home as his family continues to fight in court over his final resting place.
While Africa has seen disputes and drama surrounding the burials of former presidents, most were laid to rest within weeks and not months.
In Zambia, when first president Kenneth Kaunda died on June 17, 2021, Kaunda’s son, Kaweche went to court to challenge government’s choice of a burial site.
He said his father’s last wish was to be buried at his residence in State Lodge, next to his wife, Betty, who died in September 2012.
However, the High Court dismissed the application and Kaunda was buried at the Embassy Park in Lusaka, on July 7, 2021.
Zimbabwe’s former president Robert Mugabe is also one of the closest comparisons.
After his death in Singapore on September 6, 2019, a bitter dispute erupted between his family and government over where he would be buried.
Government wanted him at the National Heroes Acre while the family insisted on a private burial in his rural home.
Despite the stand-off and tense negotiations, Mugabe was eventually buried 22 days later, on September 28, 2019.
Across the continent, delays in burying former leaders are usually linked to state funeral planning, repatriation of remains or negotiations over burial sites.
However, these processes typically take days or weeks and not months.
It is this context that makes the continued delay in Lungu’s burial stand out as highly unusual.
The decision on the former head of state’s final resting place now rests with the South African Supreme Court of Appeal, which has allowed the former first family to appeal the Pretoria High Court’s judgment that permitted government to repatriate the body.
The legal stand-off began after the Lungu family made a U-turn on plans to return his body to Zambia on June 17, last year, with the South African Defence Force even preparing to mount a guard of honour.
This decision by the family threw the national mourning process declared by President Hakainde Hichilema into disarray and left Zambians confused.
In the days that followed, the family revealed plans to privately bury Lungu in South Africa on June 25, 2025.
However, on June 24, when the family was certain they would bury the former president the next day, Attorney General Mulilo Kabesha surprised them with a court order in the Pretoria High Court to block the burial.
Kabesha argued that as a former president, Lungu needed to be laid to rest in Zambia with the dignity his office deserves.
The Pretoria High Court then agreed to halt the burial and set August 4, 2025 for hearing.
In affidavits before court, the widow of the former head of state, Esther Lungu, her sister-in-law Bertha, children Tasila, Chiyeso and Dalitso Lungu and Esther’s nephew Charles Phiri told the court that they did not want the body returned to Zambia because of persecution, claiming that Lungu had made peace with dying in “exile.”
They argued that Lungu did not want to have President Hichilema anywhere near his body because according to them, government had abandoned the former head of state when he was alive.
Government, on the other hand, stated that there was no credible evidence to support the claim that Lungu wished to be buried outside the country and that he didn’t want his successor at his funeral.
It further insisted through court filings that even amidst political disagreements, the presidency must be respected and Lungu, like all who held the office before him, deserved a national send off.
On August 8, 2025, a full bench of the Pretoria High Court made a unanimous ruling to have the remains handed over to the Zambian government for repatriation and a state funeral and burial.
However, the Lungu family refused to give up on the legal fight and quickly moved to challenge the judgment.
The family argued that the Pretoria High Court made a mistake in its judgment and proceeded to appeal directly to the Constitutional Court, where the appeal was dismissed on August 26, 2025, referring the family back to the Pretoria High Court and stating that they could not appeal directly to the ConCourt.
After the ConCourt dismissed the direct leave to appeal, the Pretoria High Court, led by Acting Judge president Audrey Ledwaba, on September 16, 2025 proceeded to dismiss the application by the Lungu family that sought permission to appeal the earlier ruling that allowed government to repatriate the body for a state funeral and burial in Lusaka.
The family then proceeded to apply for leave to appeal to the Supreme Court of Appeal in Bloemfontein, South Africa.
In December last year, the Supreme Court of Appeal granted the family of the late former president leave to appeal against the Pretoria High Court’s ruling that ordered the repatriation of his body.
Recently, Kabesha revealed that government had not yet received a notice of appeal from the family.
He said the family has up to February 11, 2026 to file their submissions to the Supreme Court of Appeal in line with the court order.
Catholic Church Will Not Retaliate Against Insults, Says Bishop Lungu.
Chipata Catholic Diocese Bishop George Lungu says the Catholic Church will not retaliate against individuals who insult the Church and its leadership but will instead pray for them.
Bishop Lungu says that as long as the pastoral letter issued by the Zambia Conference of Catholic Bishops (ZCCB) ahead of the 2026 general elections is anchored on unity, peace, and justice, the Church will not be shaken by insults.
He noted that some individuals have resorted to name-calling, including referring to bishops as “idiots,” but emphasized that the Church will not retaliate against such attacks.
According to the Catholic Diocese of Chipata Facebook page, Bishop Lungu added that the Catholic Church remains firm in its mission, stating that anyone who attacks the Church misses it all.
Bishop Lungu observed that in the past, some people labelled Archbishop of Lusaka Alick Banda as “Lucifer,” and that today similar individuals are calling the bishops “idiots” for standing up for peace and justice.
He explained that the ZCCB pastoral letter was written to promote unity, peace, and justice, and to condemn any form of violence as the country approaches the 2026 general elections.
The Bishop was responding to a video that recently circulated on social media in which an individual verbally attacked Catholic bishops.
He stressed that the Church will not be intimidated by insults as long as its message continues to preach peace, unity, and justice.
Bishop Lungu was speaking during the closure of the Association of Zambia Diocesan Catholic Clergy Mass held in Petauke District on Tuesday.
UPND COUNCILOR WHO WANTS ACC TO APPEAL LIVINGSTONE MAYOR’S CASE AGAIN INSISTING SHE’S GUILTY.
This is where the distinction between UPND and PF comes in when it comes to togetherness and unity, unlike PF who can go head to head protecting and defending their own, UPND are special breeds you are on your own.
We followed the judgement and recorded every word and sentence the case as the law says the burden of proof lies in the prosecution team from the very beginning to the end if they are to secure a conviction. Unlike moral stories you can’t sue someone for stealing a Mark X when you are invited to provide evidence you bring the evidence of Benz that got lost which is also not yours or directly connected to you and expect the court to give you the conviction no.
This judgment of The People vs Constance Nalishebo Muleabai underscores the importance of ensuring that charges align with the factual matrix revealed through inquiry. In other words, the charges framed must match the evidence; any misalignment may be fatal if not amended at an appropriate stage of the proceedings. Case Citation: The People v Constance Nalishebo Muleabai (SC/FC/02/25) [2026] ZMSUB 1 (2 February 2026).
This case dragged on to the very depth of investigation and if justice according to Councilor Kandala is to go by he was free to join as the friends of the court or as a state witness if at all he has any fresh evidence other than the ones the courts were dealing with. This is not justice in inquiry but hatred against a person he wishes to succeed as a Mayor of Livingstone with other aspiring candidates. The case itself is suspicious was it an agenda that she must be convicted at whatever cost? if that is the case they should bring fresh charges and take her on.
Let’s talk about politics for a while, who exactly gets to comment on a judgement of this nature from the ruling party? A councilor of the same party in the same council with interest in becoming the very mayor. In the last 24 hours radio programs are being sponsored in Livingstone to speak against the mayor, Facebook pages, profanity interviews to the press and so on. The target may be the mayor of Livingstone and dislike for her politically but the reality in the grand scheme or things is the entire party from the president and entire establishment being in ridicule.
The talks now shift from Constance Nalishebo to the very party councilor Kandala is serving and wants an adoption for the mayoral seat this August is this how you do things from your own party. Talking about bad manners can be overstated because this is the councilor that has sued Livingstone council and has low ratings in his ward with many complaining against him and so on.
The court acquitted the mayor there is a channel one can present to petition the judgement if they so which but tussling each other in the media like this from the same party we are afraid this is personal that can be traced from the entire case bring a setup as the saying goes “to face a politician be ready to face politics to it’s logical conclusion”.
Anyone commenting is free on the matter but Councilor Kandala featuring on the front page head on raises the stakes way higher than normal exposing one naked truth how divided Livingstone politics is and the court was seen as a medium to settle such scores but courts operate differently.
You can’t present a case of Missing Mark X car only to provide evidence of Benz car or Mitsubishi car no they are all cars yes but they are not the same stipulated in the charge sheet, charge sheet case must align with evidence line by line then you will get justice.
Now that the matter is out of court the battle lines are now officially drawn and this platform will pay attention to the drama that awaits the tourist capital ahead of August general elections. Sides are being drawn everyone is taking positions the mayor must understand that people after her seat will go to any length to drag her down. She may have won the court case but the biggest war has just begun the only question is , IS SHE READY?
Police have arrested a 22-year-old man in connection with an arson incident in which a thatched house was burnt while three children were sleeping inside in Lusangazi District.
Eastern Province Police Commanding Officer Robertson Mweemba says the incident occurred on February 3, 2026, around 23:00 hours at Simambumbu Village in Chief Nyamphande’s area.
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Mr. Mweemba told Breeze FM News that Grace Mwanza, aged 34, reported that her house, in which her children, Labya Mwenda aged 18, Emma Mwanza aged 15 and her one-year-old grandson, Miracle Phiri, were sleeping, was deliberately set on fire.
Mr. Mweemba states that the suspect, identified as Portipher Phiri, a 22-year-old male of the same village and the complainant’s son-in-law, allegedly set the house ablaze using a burning stick.
He says preliminary investigations revealed that the suspect went to the house and demanded that Labya Mwenda open the door for him, but she refused, stating that she wanted to continue with school instead of marrying him.
The Commanding Officer adds that the suspect allegedly threatened to kill her or burn the house before briefly leaving the scene after being confronted by the complainant.
Mr. Mweemba explained that about an hour later, the complainant heard her children screaming for help and rushed outside, where she saw flames and smoke coming from the roof of the house, which had been locked from the outside using a chain.
He notes that villagers responded to her calls for help, extinguished the fire, and rescued the victims.
Mr. Mweemba says police officers visited the scene, interviewed the victims, and confirmed that they saw the suspect holding a burning stick, which he allegedly used to set the house on fire.
He says the house was completely burnt to ashes, while the value of the property destroyed is yet to be established. Mr. Mweemba adds that the suspect has been apprehended, and investigations are ongoing.
Disclaimer:
This image was generated using artificial intelligence (AI). It is not a real photograph and does not depict an actual event, place, or individuals. The image is for illustrative purposes only.
WHY A FARMER WOULD SAY: “IF TRUMP DEPORTS ALL UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS, AMERICA WILL RUN OUT OF FOOD IN 2 DAYS”.
That statement sounds dramatic, but it comes from a real fear inside US farming and food production: a huge part of the agricultural workforce is undocumented or has shaky immigration status.
When people hear “immigrants,” they often think about cities, border towns, or construction. But in the US, the food system depends heavily on immigrant labour, especially in:
fruit and vegetable farms
dairy farms
meat processing plants
packing houses
harvesting crews
trucking and warehouse labour
1) The US food system is not fully “American-run”
A lot of Americans don’t want these jobs because they are:
physically brutal
long hours
low pay compared to the effort
seasonal and unstable
dangerous (especially meat plants)
So farmers often rely on immigrant workers because they are the ones willing to do the work consistently.
If that workforce disappears overnight, it’s not like farmers can just replace them with new workers the next morning.
2) The food supply chain is extremely fragile
Food does not go straight from a farm to your table.
Agenda 2026 and the Politics of Constitutional Evasion in Zimbabwe:
By Reason Wafawarova
Zimbabwe is once again at a critical inflection point where political outcomes will be determined less by formal declarations than by the contest of narratives that shape legitimacy, resistance, and national direction. At the centre of this moment lies a troubling paradox: just as a coherent constitutional resistance to executive overreach was consolidating, a competing opposition narrative emerged that effectively neutralised it.
This essay examines, analytically and without sentiment, the political meaning and consequences of Nelson Chamisa’s sudden re-entry into active politics under the banner of Agenda 2026, particularly in relation to the Constitution Defence Platform (CDP) and the aborted attempt to extend the presidential term beyond 2028 without a referendum.
The Collapsing of the 2030 Agenda:
By late 2025, the project to extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s term to 2030 was visibly faltering. An attempt to engineer a legal precedent through a contrived constitutional challenge—fronted by a hired civic activist and politically anchored by Justice Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi—collapsed when the weakness and orchestration of the case were exposed. The strategic objective had been clear: to secure a court ruling that would pre-emptively foreclose future constitutional challenges to term extension.
That effort failed.
Subsequently, plans to introduce a constitutional amendment Bill on 23 December were abandoned. Leaks, civic mobilisation, and fierce internal resistance within ZANU PF—particularly from factions opposed to the 2030 agenda, including those aligned to Vice President Constantino Chiwenga—rendered the move politically untenable.
At this point, the term extension project had lost momentum, legitimacy, and coherence.
The Emergence of Constitutional Resistance:
In the aftermath, opposition parties, civic organisations, and constitutional activists coalesced around a singular, intelligible axis: defence of the 2013 Constitution. The Constitution Defence Platform (CDP) was formed with a clear purpose—to resist constitutional vandalism, protect the 2028 electoral timetable, and anchor political struggle within the existing legal framework.
This was not merely symbolic politics. It was strategic consolidation. For the first time in years, fragmented democratic forces converged around a defensible centre grounded in law, institutional legitimacy, and measurable violations.
It is precisely at this moment—when constitutional resistance began to gain traction—that Nelson Chamisa re-entered the political arena.
Agenda 2026: A Narrative Intervention:
Two days after the launch of the CDP, Chamisa announced his return from a self-imposed two-year sabbatical and unveiled Agenda 2026. The timing was not incidental; in politics, timing often communicates more than content.
Agenda 2026 was framed in expansive and emotive terms: reclaiming stolen elections, reclaiming Zimbabwe, renewing leadership, confronting dictatorship. Yet conspicuously absent were any references to the immediate constitutional crisis. There was no mention of President Mnangagwa, no reference to the 2030 term extension agenda, no acknowledgement of the aborted Bill, and no engagement with the constitutional violations that had just been halted.
More strikingly, when pressed, Chamisa dismissed the very foundation of the CDP’s struggle, asserting that “there is no constitution in Zimbabwe” and characterising constitutional defence as a “false battle”.
This was not a casual remark. It a decisive narrative intervention.
The Logic of Constitutional Denial:
The assertion that Zimbabwe has “no constitution” is not merely rhetorical; it carries profound logical and political implications. Democracy is not an abstraction. It is a system defined by rules, limits, procedures, and institutions. Elections derive meaning from the constitutional framework that governs them.
If there is no constitution, then there can be no constitutional violation. If there is no constitutional order, then elections cannot be “stolen”—they can only be seized by force. Yet Agenda 2026 relies heavily on the moral capital of stolen elections while simultaneously denying the legal framework under which such theft is intelligible.
This contradiction is not semantic; it is structural.
A movement that rejects constitutionalism, dismisses elections as inherently meaningless, and proposes to operate without identifiable structures or internal governance mechanisms cannot coherently claim to be defending democracy. At best, it advances a politics of moral aspiration detached from institutional accountability.
Historical Misreadings and Strategic Consequences:
Chamisa’s invocation of the liberation struggle—particularly the claim that Zanla operated without a constitution—does not withstand historical scrutiny. Zanla was a highly structured, hierarchical, and disciplined movement with strict command systems, ideological coherence, and enforcement mechanisms. Its effectiveness derived precisely from its organisational solidity, not its absence.
To deploy liberation history as justification for structural vagueness is to misread both history and strategy.
More critically, Agenda 2026’s abstract framing has the practical effect of de-institutionalising resistance at the very moment institutional defence was gaining ground. By shifting the struggle from constitutional violation to existential reclamation, the terrain becomes amorphous, timelines become elastic, and accountability dissipates.
Who Benefits from This Intervention?
Political analysis ultimately turns on outcomes rather than declared intentions.
The immediate beneficiaries of the narrative shift introduced by Agenda 2026 are evident:
The 2030 agenda benefits from the weakening of constitutional resistance.
The demand for elections in 2028 is diluted when both government and opposition narratives converge on the claim that elections are either disruptive or meaningless.
Collective platforms such as the CDP are marginalised in favour of personalised political centrality.
This does not require collusion to be effective. Objective alignment of outcomes is sufficient.
On Which Side of History?
The question is not whether Nelson Chamisa is sincere. History does not adjudicate sincerity; it judges consequences. The critical question is this: why, at a moment when constitutional vandalism was being resisted and democratic forces were consolidating, was an alternative narrative introduced that weakened that resistance?
Agenda 2026 may yet evolve. It may yet clarify its institutional commitments and constitutional posture. But as presently articulated, it represents not a reinforcement of democratic struggle, but a diversion from its most defensible front.
In moments of national crisis, abstraction is not neutrality—it is choice. And history will record which narratives defended constitutional democracy, and which inadvertently—or otherwise—made its erosion easier.
decisive narrative intervention.
The Logic of Constitutional Denial:
The assertion that Zimbabwe has “no constitution” is not merely rhetorical; it carries profound logical and political implications. Democracy is not an abstraction. It is a system defined by rules, limits, procedures, and institutions. Elections derive meaning from the constitutional framework that governs them.
If there is no constitution, then there can be no constitutional violation. If there is no constitutional order, then elections cannot be “stolen”—they can only be seized by force. Yet Agenda 2026 relies heavily on the moral capital of stolen elections while simultaneously denying the legal framework under which such theft is intelligible.
This contradiction is not semantic; it is structural.
A movement that rejects constitutionalism, dismisses elections as inherently meaningless, and proposes to operate without identifiable structures or internal governance mechanisms cannot coherently claim to be defending democracy. At best, it advances a politics of moral aspiration detached from institutional accountability.
Historical Misreadings and Strategic Consequences:
Chamisa’s invocation of the liberation struggle—particularly the claim that Zanla operated without a constitution—does not withstand historical scrutiny. Zanla was a highly structured, hierarchical, and disciplined movement with strict command systems, ideological coherence, and enforcement mechanisms. Its effectiveness derived precisely from its organisational solidity, not its absence.
To deploy liberation history as justification for structural vagueness is to misread both history and strategy.
More critically, Agenda 2026’s abstract framing has the practical effect of de-institutionalising resistance at the very moment institutional defence was gaining ground. By shifting the struggle from constitutional violation to existential reclamation, the terrain becomes amorphous, timelines become elastic, and accountability dissipates.
Who Benefits from This Intervention?
Political analysis ultimately turns on outcomes rather than declared intentions.
The immediate beneficiaries of the narrative shift introduced by Agenda 2026 are evident:
The 2030 agenda benefits from the weakening of constitutional resistance.
The demand for elections in 2028 is diluted when both government and opposition narratives converge on the claim that elections are either disruptive or meaningless.
Collective platforms such as the CDP are marginalised in favour of personalised political centrality.
This does not require collusion to be effective. Objective alignment of outcomes is sufficient.
On Which Side of History?
The question is not whether Nelson Chamisa is sincere. History does not adjudicate sincerity; it judges consequences. The critical question is this: why, at a moment when constitutional vandalism was being resisted and democratic forces were consolidating, was an alternative narrative introduced that weakened that resistance?
Agenda 2026 may yet evolve. It may yet clarify its institutional commitments and constitutional posture. But as presently articulated, it represents not a reinforcement of democratic struggle, but a diversion from its most defensible front.
In moments of national crisis, abstraction is not neutrality—it is choice. And history will record which narratives defended constitutional democracy, and which inadvertently—or otherwise—made its erosion easier.
Geography Is Not Knowledge: Zimbabwe, Venezuela and the Erosion of Global Moral Agency:
By Reason Wafawarova
When Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa described Venezuela as “very far away from Zimbabwe” in response to a question about the dramatic U.S. military capture of Nicolás Maduro in January 2026, the remark was more than merely geographic. It was an accidental admission of a deeper political malaise: an inability, or unwillingness, to situate Zimbabwe within the matrix of global power, law and moral legitimacy.
For decades, Zimbabwe’s foreign policy was shaped by more expansive solidarities. Under Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe and Venezuela, led by Hugo Chávez, forged not merely transactional ties but ideological alignment. Caracas supported Harare’s land reform agenda with financial and political backing at the height of its standoff with the West — a period when both countries found themselves targets of U.S. and European sanctions.
Zimbabwe’s political elite were welcomed in Caracas; Venezuela backed Zimbabwe’s bids in multilateral fora, expecting reciprocity on principle and practice.
Both nations were prominent members of the Non-Aligned Movement, an organisation premised on sovereignty, self-determination and resistance to great power domination. Shared diplomatic frameworks and patterns of resistance to Western pressure made the relationship more than a footnote in either country’s foreign relations.
Yet today, when the global order is convulsed by a crisis that goes to the heart of the UN Charter’s prohibition against the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, Zimbabwe’s leadership has recast its foreign policy as timid neutrality. That recasting is not merely diplomatic posture; it is a stand-for-nothing policy that substitutes intellectual convenience for strategic and ethical clarity.
What Happened in Venezuela?
On 3 January 2026, U.S. special forces conducted a military operation in Venezuela that resulted in the capture of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores. This operation involved strikes on multiple targets in Caracas and beyond, and has been widely condemned by international organisations, including the United Nations, the African Union, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations, as a violation of international law and the UN Charter.
Globally, reactions have spanned the spectrum — from unequivocal condemnation by regional powers like Brazil, to calls for dialogue and respect for international law from a range of states across Asia and Africa. What has been absent from most responses, however, is Zimbabwe’s voice of principled engagement.
A President on the Fence:
At the World Governments Summit in Dubai in February 2026, Mnangagwa’s answer was cautious to the point of vacuity.
By concentrating on distance and information uncertainty, and by framing Zimbabwe’s foreign policy as “friend to all, enemy to none,” the response effectively abdicated Zimbabwe’s voice on a matter of core interest to developing countries and the multilateral system.
Such a position is sometimes defended as necessary pragmatism, especially in a world where alignment with greater powers carries economic and political costs.
But there is a difference between strategic neutrality and neutrality born of intellectual and moral timidity.
Geography does not inoculate a nation from global politics; Zimbabwean diplomats should know this better than most, given the very real interventions in southern Africa in the 1970s and 1980s that reshaped the continent.
Why This Matters for Zimbabwe:
The stakes are not abstract.
Zimbabwe is campaigning for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council for 2027–2028. A leadership bid premised on upholding the UN Charter is undermined when the country cannot articulate a clear position in defence of that same Charter when it is breached.
South Africa under Jacob Zuma was one of two Africa’s representative in the UNSC.
South Africa shocked the world when it cast the deciding vote for the invasion of Libya 🇱🇾, leading to the murderous execution of Muammar Gaddafi.
Who knows what Zimbabwe under Mnangagwa will vote for at the UNSC with this vacuous “friend to all and enemy to none” foreign policy? Bombings in Gaza?
Venezuela explicitly backed Zimbabwe’s bid in 2025, presenting it as aligned with defence of multilateralism and sovereignty.
By refusing to condemn or even clearly contextualise U.S. actions in Venezuela, the Zimbabwean presidency has undercut the ideological foundations of its own aspirations on the global stage.
Worse, it sends a message that moral clarity is subordinate to diplomatic convenience — a message hardly befitting a nation that once stood at the forefront of liberation struggles and anti-hegemonic solidarity.
Geopolitics Requires Moral Articulation:
To claim that geographical distance explains a lack of engagement is lazy intellectually and hollow in logic. If the measure of global political literacy were proximity, then the farther one is from Washington, London or Beijing, the less one would understand their policies — a proposition absurd on its face.
Foreign policy is a product of values, interests, and strategic calculation. Zimbabwe’s has increasingly leaned toward transactional calculations at the expense of articulating values that matter to its citizens and to the Global South. Calling for peaceful resolution and dialogue is not inherently wrong — indeed, those principles should underpin international relations. But they cannot be a cloak for evasion when actions clearly contravene international norms.
The post-colonial world did not win the battle for sovereignty only to watch it be hollowed out by selective silence. Zimbabwe’s leaders must recognise that neutrality without principle is not wisdom — it is cynicism dressed up as realpolitik.
Conclusion: We Are Not Too Far to Care:
Zimbabwe and Venezuela may be separated by continents, but they are linked by shared histories of resistance and of striving for sovereign voice. To dismiss global crises as “too far away” is to ignore the interconnectedness of our world and the obligations that come with seeking a seat at the table of global governance.
In international politics, distance does not diminish relevance — silence does.
Well, this is a President who is on record asking, “Who needs ideology when people are making money?”
Without ideological identity we cannot stand for anything in global politics.
Shakhtar Donetsk’s CEO sends strong message to Infantino over Russia’s potential return
The CEO of Ukraine giants Shakhtar Donetsk, Serhii Palkin, believes FIFA President Gianni Infantino’s position on potentially allowing Russian teams to return is a “complete detachment from reality”, in a strong response and defence of his nation.
Russian clubs and the national team have been suspended from FIFA and UEFA competitions since the country invaded Ukraine in February 2022.
However, Infantino told Sky Sports earlier on Tuesday that: “This ban has not achieved anything; it has just created more frustration and hatred.”
“Having girls and boys from Russia being able to play football games in other parts of Europe would help.”
Shakhtar Donetsk’s CEO Palkin responded this evening with a passionate statement of his own in which he pleaded with the FIFA President to change his stance.
In a statement shared with Flashscore and other media outlets, Palkin said: “The position from FIFA President Gianni Infantino regarding the possible return of Russian teams to international competitions represents a complete detachment from reality and I am profoundly disappointed by it.”
He continued to reflect on the devastation of the war and how, if Infantino accepted his invitation to attend Ukraine, he would see how much the country was already suffering.
Palkin said, “The reality is this: we have been surviving a full-scale war for four years. Hundreds of thousands of people have been killed. Cities have been destroyed. Civilian, sporting, energy and heatinginfrastructure has been devastated. The lives of millions of people has been shattered.
“I want to publicly ask Mr Infantino: What led him to make such a statement at this moment? And why, after four years of war, has he not once come to Ukraine to see with his own eyes what is happening here?
“Let him come and see how people live. How children play football in Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Dnipro, Kyiv and Lviv – under air-raid sirens, next to bomb shelters, under the constant threatof missiles and drones.”
“I invite Mr Infantino to attend our first match in February. Let him speak with our players – with Dmytro Riznyk, who lost his brother in the war, and with Denys Tvardovskyi, whose father was also killed defending Ukraine.”
Infantino’s stance earlier today seemed clear. He wants Russian athletes and football teams to compete again and stop paying the price for where they were born.
However, Palkin’s emotional response this evening will give the FIFA President some food for thought. #RussiaUkraineWar #FIFA #Banned
KENYAN PRESIDENT ANNOUNCES TAX RELIEF MEASURES TO EASE COST OF LIVING
KENYA’S President William Ruto has announced new tax relief measures for low- and middle-income earners to ease the cost of living.
People earning KSh30,000 and below per month (approximately $233) will be exempt from income tax, while those earning up to KSh50,000 (about $388) will see their taxes cut to 25 per cent.
The current threshold for not paying tax covers only salaried workers earning KSh24,000 and below.
Ruto said this means that one and a half million Kenyans will not pay any taxes while another 500,000 will see their tax reduced by 5 per cent.
The proposed tax change aims to boost disposable income, support the middle class, and stimulate economic growth through increased spending and investment.
High-income earners will also see relief, with the top tax rate capped at 30 per cent, down from the current 32.5 to 35 per cent.
The Kenya Bankers Association recently recommended raising the minimum taxable income saying people’s purchasing power has fallen significantly in recent years.
It said when workers take home more pay, they spend, save and invest more, which strengthens the economy, improves loan repayment, and ultimately grows government revenue.
The Tax Laws Amendment Bill will be presented to parliament for approval ahead of the publication of the Finance Bill 2026 due to take place later this year.
SOUTH SUDAN’S LEADER SACKS AIDES AFTER DEAD MAN APPOINTED
SOUTH Sudan’s President Salva Kiir has sacked two senior aides following an embarrassing situation where he appointed a dead man to serve on a panel to lead discussions on elections scheduled for December.
Steward Soroba Budia’s appointment was announced in a presidential order dated 30 January, but local media pointed out that the member of the opposition United Democratic Party (UDP), had died five years ago.
It led to people mocking the appointment on social media.
Without giving reasons, an official statement said the president had sacked his press secretary David Amour Major and the chief administrator in the Ministry of Presidential Affairs, Valentino Dhel Maluet.
Kiir was “pleased” to announce that the two had been relieved of their duties, and wished to express his “profound gratitude” to them for their service, said the statement posted on the president’s official Facebook account, and signed by Minister of Presidential Affairs Africano Mande Gedima.
On Monday, Amour said in a press release that the president’s office had relied entirely on the “accuracy and currency” of the names submitted by “stakeholders” for inclusion on the panel.
“It is now evident that a thorough verification was not done by one of the stakeholders which resulted in this unfortunate administrative oversight,” Amour said.
He did not name the stakeholder, while the UDP has not commented.
It is unclear whether the statement led to Amour’s dismissal. There had been speculation before the statement that he would be sacked.
Budia had been a signatory to a peace agreement signed in 2018 to end conflict that had hit South Sudan after its independence in 2011.
Kiir has set up the panel, made up of representatives of different parties, to pave the way for elections.
But there are doubts as to whether the election will take place, as the country is still experiencing conflict.
Previous elections have been postponed, with Kiir in office since independence.
The UN says more than 180,000 people are believed to have been forced to flee their homes by recent fighting.
Jonglei state is seeing the worst of it with the army battling forces aligned to South Sudan’s suspended Vice-President Riek Machar.
He is currently under house arrest and on trial for murder, treason and crime against humanity. He denies the charges.
Kiir and Machar are supposed to be part of a unity government agreed in the 2018 settlement after a five-year war that followed a power struggle between the two men.
EPSTEIN WAS ROBERT MUGABE, AND PUTIN’S WEALTH MANAGER – EPSTEIN FILES
Unsealed evidence related to the billionaire sex offender includes testimony from a “confidential human source” about Epstein’s business dealings.
The source claimed that Epstein served as a wealth manager for Russian President Vladimir Putin, as well as former Zimbabwe 🇿🇼 President Robert Mugabe.
Officially, Putin collects a modest salary, though a financier alleged to Congress in 2017 that the Russian president “has accumulated $200 billion of ill-gotten gains” through corruption and criminal activity.
More evidence related to the alleged crimes of Jeffrey Epstein has been released by the Justice Department, revealing new details about the personal and professional life of the convicted sex offender billionaire.
Included in the large bulk of newly unsealed documents is FBI testimony from a confidential human source, or “CHS,” taken on Nov. 27, 2017. The testimony occurred about a year and a half before Epstein was arrested on federal sex trafficking charges; he died by suicide awaiting trial.
The source’s testimony isn’t related to Epstein’s sex crimes — he also pleaded guilty to one count of soliciting prostitution and one count of soliciting prostitution from a minor in 2008, making him a registered sex offender — but his business dealings.
At the time of his death, a filing in Epstein’s sex trafficking case estimated his net worth at roughly $560 million, according to CBS News. He also owned a Manhattan townhouse worth more than $50 million, a ranch in New Mexico worth $17 million, a mansion in Palm Beach, Fla., estimated at about $12 million, an $8.6 million apartment in Paris, and two private islands — Great St. James and Little St. James — that were purchased for $60 million in 2023.
The FBI’s source, who had an established relationship with the bureau, claimed in their testimony that Epstein — a wealth manager — “made his money from charging his clients fees to hide their money offshore.”
There have been plenty of headlines about Epstein’s connections to powerful businessmen like Donald Trump and Bill Gates, and even royalty like Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor. However, the FBI testimony alleged that the businessman was a resource for other powerful politicians.
“Epstein was President Vladimir Putin’s wealth manager and provided the same service for Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe,” the source claimed. PEOPLE has reached out to the Kremlin for comment. – PEOPLE
Queen Nadia TV’s Mother Apologises To The Nation For Daughter’s Facebook Videos A woman identifying herself as the mother of South Africa-based Zimbabwean influencer Queen Nadia TV has issued a public apology to Zimbabweans over her daughter’s Facebook videos, saying she feels embarrassed, blamed and distressed by the public backlash the content has generated.
The apology, delivered in a video circulating online on February 4, 2026, comes as Queen Nadia TV continues to trend for posting multiple short Facebook videos that feature brief flashes of nudity. The clips, often described as “view-once” content, have circulated widely, triggering national debate and drawing the attention of authorities.
“People Are Bringing Me These Videos” In the video, the woman introduced herself as Queen Nadia TV’s mother and explained why she felt compelled to address the nation.
“I am very embarrassed as a mother,” she said.
“People are sending me WhatsApp messages every day. Others are coming to my home to show me the videos of my daughter and telling me to counsel her.”
She said the constant exposure to the videos and the public reaction had left her overwhelmed.
“Some are not just sending messages,” she said.
“They come personally to show me what my daughter is doing.”
What The Videos Are — And Why They Caused Uproar Queen Nadia TV’s Facebook content consists of short, self-recorded clips in which she appears on camera and briefly exposes intimate parts of her body. The videos are posted on Facebook, a mainstream platform used by adults and children alike, rather than on adult-only sites.
The clips are often labelled or described as “view-once”. However, viewers can still screen-record or share them, allowing the videos to spread beyond their original posts.
This distribution method has raised concern because:
Facebook is easily accessible to minors
The nudity appears without age-restricted barriers
The content is widely monetised through views
Zimbabwean authorities have warned that digital content consumed in Zimbabwe remains subject to national law, regardless of where the creator is based or how briefly the material is posted.
“I Tried To Advise Her, But She Refused” The woman said she had tried to counsel her daughter privately but claimed her efforts had failed.
“I advised her many times,” she said.
“But my words fell on deaf ears. She tells me this is where her bread is buttered.”
She also said she was initially unaware of the videos.
“I searched for them myself on Facebook and could not find them,” she said.
“I later realised I was blocked. I only saw the videos after people brought them to me.”
The apology has since divided opinion online, with some questioning whether a parent should apologise for the actions of an adult child. Others have even disputed whether the woman is Queen Nadia TV’s biological mother.
THE unexpected withdrawal of 84% of HIV funding to Zambia by the United States (US) President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) has triggered an increase in HIV infections and HIV-related deaths in the country, experts have observed.
The Network of Zambian People Living with HIV (NZP+) warns that the aid freeze has disrupted HIV services leading to an increase in new infections and deaths in Lusaka and other provinces.
In an interview with The Mast, NZP+ executive director Fred Chungu said a mathematical modeling study estimated that a three-month disruption in aid could lead to 54,860 new HIV infections (+13%) and 32,550 additional deaths (+8.7%), while a four-year disruption could result in 552,500 new infections (+130% ) and 330,400 deaths (+89%).
The Zambia Statistics Agency (ZAMSTATS) last week announced an increase in HIV infections in the capital city, Lusaka, in 2025, standing at 12.1%.
Commenting on the spike, Chungu described the situation as serious, especially among vulnerable populations like adolescents, children and women.
“With the US aid cut, HIV awareness campaigns in Lusaka have been affected, making it harder for people to get useful and up-to-date information and adhere to life-sustaining treatment,” he said.
Chungu urged government to quickly roll out its sustainability plan prioritising domestic funding towards HIV programmes and activities.
He said any further delay to domestically fund HIV activities would affect outreach programmes, including testing and treatment services.
“NZP+ is currently struggling to raise its yearly US$1 million to effectively tackle the resurgence of the epidemic. We are currently relying on K2 million annual malaria support for Central and Copperbelt provinces from the Global Fund, which is not enough to also cater for HIV,” Chungu said.
He feared HIV statistics would continue to escalate if the government failed to find domestic funding.
Chungu is worried about reports of people selling ARVs, calling for a probe into the matter.
“We have asked that our members be monitored in the collection of supplies to ensure that there is no pilferage and resale,” he said.
He, however, commended government for restocking health centres with the single-dose ARV, TAFED, which had fewer side effects.
In May last year, the US Embassy in Lusaka announced the Donald Trump administration was cutting funding to the health sector by US$50 million effective January 2026.
LATE PRESIDENT EDGAR LUNGU NEVER WANTED BRIAN MUNDUBILE AS HIS SUCCESSOR
As Zambia edges closer to the 2026 General Election, renewed debate has emerged within the Patriotic Front (PF) over who the late President Edgar Chagwa Lungu intended to groom as the party’s presidential candidate—his so-called “Plan B”—in the event that he was barred from contesting.
The definitive truth may never be fully established. However, accounts from individuals who were close to the late President suggest a narrative that differs sharply from the version now being advanced by some factions within the PF.
At one point, Brian Mundubile was indeed considered among those who could potentially assume the leadership of the party following President Lungu’s anticipated retirement from active politics. The idea initially appeared attractive. Mundubile was viewed as politically experienced, and respected independent voices consulted by President Lungu—including Brebner Changala— supported the notion.
However, President Lungu was known for being meticulous and deliberate in matters of succession. Rather than rushing the process, he took time to assess the character, loyalty, and judgment of those under consideration. It was during this period of closer scrutiny that serious doubts about Mundubile emerged.
According to sources familiar with the matter, President Lungu became convinced that Mundubile could not be trusted. Mundubile was willing to trade sensitive political information that could have jeopardized President Lungu’s political future in exchange for relief from prosecution linked to multiple government contracts awarded to his companies during his tenure as Minister for Northern Province.
These developments marked a decisive turning point. Trust between the two men collapsed, and efforts at reconciliation were undermined by what the late President interpreted as arrogance and a complete lack of remorse on Mundubile’s part.
Matters deteriorated further when Mundubile was linked to a series of disparaging posts directed at President Lungu via the Munyaule Facebook page, operated through Chanda Nonde. The sustained online attacks, viewed as deeply disrespectful, reportedly convinced President Lungu that Mundubile lacked both loyalty and the temperament required to lead the country’s largest opposition party.
Consequently, President Lungu distanced himself from Mundubile. Observers at the time noted that Mundubile’s access to President Lungu’s Ibex Hill residence became restricted. The same limitations applied to Chris Zumani Zimba, who had earlier fallen out of favor after advising President Lungu to concede defeat following the 2021 general elections—an incident that nearly turned violent, involving then State House Aide-de-Camp Chisanga Chanda.
To this day, relations between Zumani Zimba and Chisanga Chanda remain strained. It is, therefore, not surprising to some observers that Mundubile and Zumani Zimba now find themselves aligned, bound by shared political grievances and mutual interests.
In the interest of allowing readers to reflect and draw their own conclusions, this article ends here. A follow-up piece will delve deeper into unresolved questions surrounding these events.
For now, one question remains unavoidable: have you ever wondered why Brian Mundubile has never been arrested in connection with the Munyaule case?
PRESIDENT Hakainde Hichilema and the people of Southern Province must seriously learn from the voting pattern exhibited by the electorate in Kasama during the recently held mayoral by-election, All People’s Congress Party (APC) President Nason Msoni has said.
Kasama residents voted without any regional or tribal inclination.
Speaking in an interview with The Mast from London, United Kingdom, Msoni described as destructive the political solidarity and regionalism practiced by the people of Southern Province who only vote for fellow Southerners during elections.
“So, President Hichilema should not only toast the Kasama victory senselessly but use this occasion to reflect on his own behaviour as a leader,” he said.
Msoni said Hichilema had squandered an earliest opportunity to change the narrative in his five year tenure.
The people of Northern Province were trying hard under difficult circumstances to teach Hichilema and Southerners that tribal politics had no place in a modern day society, and it was possible to unite all Zambians as one regardless of their origin.
“By voting for a party that is associated with regional voting, the people of Kasama are expecting Southerners to change in the voting patterns in Southern Province also,” Msoni said.
He said if the voting pattern in Southern Province was allowed to continue, Southerners risked being rejected in other regions as well on the basis of how they reject other tribes in their homeland.
“We encourage Southerners to reflect deeply on the outcome of the voting pattern in Kasama as that is how it should be,” Msoni said.
“Mr Hichilema must be ashamed that despite the way he has ill-treated, under-represented and maligned the people from other regions, they have not repaid him with evil but love and support,” he said.
Msoni said Hichilema would go down in Zambia’s history as a head of state who divided citizens through the promotion of regionalism.
“Hichilema’s style of leadership will be remembered as having appointed more people from a particular region into key state and government institutions, including the diplomatic, defence and security wings,” he said.
Zambia needed an impartial president to unite citizens and not divide them.
“Look at the people surrounding him at State House. They all hail from the same region,” Msoni said.
🇿🇲 VIEWPOINT | Zumani’s Tonse Thesis: Betrayal, Succession, and the War for Lungu’s Political Shadow
Dr. Chris Zumani Zimba’s appearance on the KBN Big Hour programme last night was not a routine interview. It was a sweeping political autopsy of the Patriotic Front, delivered by a man who once sat close to Edgar Lungu and now speaks from inside the Tonse Alliance faction led by Brian Mundubile, at a moment when the opposition has fractured into competing centres of authority.
Zimba’s message was blunt: PF did not merely lose power in 2021. In his telling, it lost itself.
He framed the former president’s final years as emotionally defined by what he called political treachery. “The Lungu family are among the most traumatized family as we speak today,” he said, arguing that betrayal and internal collapse drained the former leader long before his death. He returned repeatedly to one theme: Lungu could not accept losing PF to UPND, describing it as “one of the most political painful things for ECL.”
Zimba then presented what he called Lungu’s “Plan B” as a strategic escape route from PF’s legal and factional crisis. He claimed the former president had decided that Tonse Alliance would become the vehicle for 2026. “In May he confirmed that he had decided on plan B… and he said when I come back I’ll come and announce and we shall win 2026 on Tonse Alliance,” Zimba said.
The interview’s most striking passages were reserved for Miles Sampa, whom Zimba portrayed as the central villain in PF’s unraveling. He described him as “the man who sold PF from the hands of PF members,” adding: “How can a political Judas who transacted PF to UPND now become Tonse?”
Zimba argued that Sampa’s actions left Lungu politically stranded. “He never died as a PF as a happy PF president because PF was not given to him,” he said, insisting that the party machinery was already lost in factional warfare and court battles..
This is where Zimba’s narrative intersects with Zambia’s larger opposition problem: legitimacy.
He contrasted aspirants with Mundubile, claiming the Tonse leader now stands above the pack because he is no longer merely seeking leadership. “He’s a duly and a democratically elected presidential candidate,” Zimba said. He also suggested Mundubile carried implicit endorsement from Lungu himself, noting that on a hospital bed in South Africa, Lungu appointed him parliamentary affairs chairperson for Tonse. “The trust in BM… is coming from President Lungu before he died,” he said.
Zimba dismissed the Lubinda-led PF faction in unusually personal language, arguing that its expulsions and suspensions no longer carry institutional force. “Nobody takes them serious,” he said, calling them “political comedians and spoilers,” and portraying the faction as issuing commands that no one obeys.
The interview also advanced a controversial claim at the heart of Tonse’s internal dispute: that the alliance was built around a
n “ECL PF movement” rather than the PF party itself. “It was ECL himself in his individual capacity… as well as his movement,” Zimba argued, insisting Tonse was designed as a tailor-made platform once PF became compromised.
This is a politically consequential argument, because it attempts to shift legitimacy away from party structures and toward Lungu’s personal political estate. It is also precisely where Tonse’s contradictions widen.
Zambia’s alliances remain unregistered entities, often operating through borrowed party vehicles such as FDD or smaller partners. Zimba’s insistence that Tonse is owned by its founders, not anchored in formal party authority, highlights the unresolved legal question: who controls adoption papers, ballot access, and enforceable structures when elections arrive.
Zimba’s interview, in effect, was not just a defence of Mundubile. It was an attempt to rewrite the PF collapse as a moral story: betrayal on one side, succession planning on the other, and Tonse as Lungu’s unfinished rescue project.
But the political reality remains harsher than the rhetoric. Tonse itself is now split into rival conferences and competing claims. PF remains tied up in injunctions and factional control battles. Each camp invokes Lungu’s name as if proximity to his memory equals authority in the present.
Zimba spoke with certainty, but his certainty also exposes the deeper vacuum: Zambia’s opposition is still fighting over inheritance, not offering a settled alternative programme of government.
The interview was powerful, emotional, and politically loaded. It also revealed the core truth of this season: the opposition is no longer arguing only against UPND. It is arguing over who owns the ruins of PF, who inherits Lungu’s shadow, and whether Tonse is a solution or simply the next arena of fragmentation.
“FAKE OCIDA ENDORSING HH IS A CRIMINAL ACT, POLICE MUST ACT!” – CHANGALA Governance activist and commentator Brebner Changala has strongly rejected claims that the Our-Civic-Duty Association (OCiDA) has endorsed President Hakainde Hichilema and the ruling UPND ahead of the 2026 general elections, describing the announcement as fraudulent and politically motivated.
Mr. Changala said the purported endorsement does not represent the true OCiDA, arguing that the individuals who addressed the media under the organisation’s name were impersonators linked to the ruling party.
“This is UPND endorsing itself out of desperation. We don’t have such characters in OCiDA,” Changala said. “That was a UPND gallery of impersonators paraded as OCIDA office bearers.”
Earlier in the day, a group identifying itself as OCiDA announced its support for President Hichilema and the UPND, citing the need for continuity, economic recovery, institutional reforms and stability. The group also warned against leadership change, arguing it could disrupt ongoing reforms and investor confidence.
However, Changala dismissed the statement in its entirety, insisting that the real OCiDA has not sanctioned any such endorsement and would not align itself with partisan politics.
He further accused the ruling party of attempting to cloak political campaigning under the banner of civil society, calling it an abuse of democratic space.
“OCIDA is a public civil society organisation. Has anyone seen those faces that were paraded today as OCIDA leaders?” he questioned. Changala also reflected on OCiDA’s support for the UPND during the 2021 elections, saying the organisation now regrets that decision due to what he termed growing authoritarian tendencies, abuses and national suffering under the current administration.
“We supported UPND and HH in 2021, and we are collectively guilty for all the abuses and suffering the nation is passing through,” he said. “We can never repeat supporting UPND in its current autocratic state.”
He warned that the matter would be formally reported to law enforcement agencies, describing the use of OCiDA’s name as a criminal offence. “This is a police case going forward,” Changala said. KUMWESU
PF MP’S READY TO JOIN UPND – MUNG’ANDU CHAMA South Member of Parliament Davison Mung’andu says Patriotic Front Members of Parliament are ready to resign and join the UPND once Parliament is dissolved.
Mr. Mung’andu says opposition lawmakers have resolved to align themselves with President Hakainde Hichilema and his leadership, citing a clear and progressive vision for the country’s development.
He says the MPs are convinced that President Hichilema’s policies and governance approach present a viable path to economic recovery and sustainable development.
Mr. Mung’andu was speaking when the Parliamentary Committee on National Economy, Trade and Labour Matters paid a courtesy call on North Western Province Permanent Secretary Colonel Grandson Katambi.
He said members of the opposition are eager to be part of the UPND administration in order to actively contribute to national development. ZNBC
THE Our-Civic-Duty Association has endorsed President Hakainde Hichilema and the United Party for National Development-UPND in the August 2026 general election.
OSiDA Spokesperson Simwinji Simwinji has called on Zambians to support President Hichilema and the UPND Alliance in the August citing the need for continuity and stability as the country undergoes economic recovery.
Mr. Simwinji has warned that a change in leadership at this stage could disrupt ongoing reforms, weaken investor confidence, slow infrastructure development, and derail youth empowerment programmes and institutional strengthening efforts.
The association has noted that Zambia is currently in a recovery phase, with foundations being laid for long-term prosperity.
He says Zambians must not forget the sufferings they underwent under the leadership of the formal ruling party where lawlessness and mismanagement of resources plunged the country into distress.
The civic organisation says it is convinced that Zambia is in capable hands and that maintaining the current leadership will ensure stability and sustained progress.
OCIDA has also stated that its endorsement of the UPND does not in any way represent political inclination.
Meanwhile, has OCiDA urged the government to formalise small-scale mining, expedite constituency delimitation, eliminate load shedding, ensure timely farmer payments, and bring lawful closure to the burial of former President Edgar Lungu.
FEBRUARY 5: THE DAY OF NSINGU AND THE HEROIC NGONI WARRIORS
Today, February 5, marks 128 years since Nsingu, known as Nsingu in siZulu and Nsingo in ciNsenga, son of the first Mpezeni, Jele, was executed at dawn by the British forces of Cecil John Rhodes and his British South Africa Company.
After surrounding the Ngoni headquarters on February 3, 1898, British forces captured Nsingu the following day, February 4. He was sentenced to death in a hastily organized sham court-martial. At dawn on February 5, he was executed. Two of his wives asked to be killed alongside their husband, and they were shot and buried next to him. What crime did Nsingu commit? He refused to allow Rhodes’ British forces to seize their land, the Chipata.
Today, 128 years later, as we honour Nsingu and the heroic Ngoni warriors for their courage, selflessness, and patriotism, we can compare this with the cowardice, treachery, betrayal, selfishness, and dishonesty that currently dominate and characterise the leadership of our homeland.
As we go to the polls on August 13, there is a need to restore the courage, honour, and dignity of Nsingu and the Ngoni warriors to our homeland by electing a leadership that embodies the selfless and patriotic spirit of Nsingu and those young heroic Ngoni warriors.
These were principled individuals who, unlike our today’s political opportunists, did not fear defeat. All that mattered was whether the cause was just or not, not whether it was popular and winnable. Like Nsingu and those young Ngoni warriors, for us, there is no choice between being principled and unelectable and electable and unprincipled. We should win because of what we believe in.
But who was Nsingu, and what led to his ultimate sacrifice? After discovering gold south of Chipata, in what is now Zimbabwe, Rhodes and his company executives believed there must also be gold further north in the Chipeta region. Rhodes began claiming that the Chipeta was part of his territory.
The Ngonis refused to surrender the Chipeta to him, asserting it was their land. By mid-1897, it became clear to the Ngonis that they would face a military attack from Rhodes’ British forces. This greatly worried Mpezeni and the Ngoni elders, who well understood the superior strength of the British forces based at nearby Kotakota in what is now Malawi.
While the ageing Mpezeni and his indunas pondered how to respond to the imminent British attack, his son Nsingu made it clear that only over his dead body would Rhodes take their land and minerals. He began organising a force of young Ngoni warriors to defend their homeland. L
By early December 1897, when Rhodes’ British forces attacked the Chipeta, Nsingu had assembled a warrior force of approximately 10,000 young Ngonis armed with the assegai, the short stabbing spear developed by Shaka.
Although the Ngonis had acquired a few guns through trade, they realised these were insufficient to counter the superior firepower of the British forces. Moreover, gunpowder and ammunition would have to be sourced from the very people they were fighting. They had no choice but to rely on the assegai.
This war was profoundly uneven. Yet the Ngonis mounted a courageous and tenacious resistance, even managing to defeat the British forces in the battle around the village of Induna Kapatamoyo. But the British forces returned with a vengeance and exterminated every living creature in that area. For two months, vultures were hovering the village of induna Kapatamoyo feasting on the carcases.
When the Ngoni headquarters fell on February 4, 1898, and Nsingu was executed on February 5, the ageing Mpezeni fled to hide in the hills around Feni. He was eventually captured, arrested, and imprisoned at Fort Manning. Upon his release from prison, the depressed old man did not live long. He died in 1900.
While in prison, Mpezeni asked the Dutch Reformed Church to assist with education, agriculture, and evangelization in Chipeta. At the end of this two-month war in 1898, the Ngonis possessed 12,000 heads of cattle. This represented considerable wealth, and all that was needed was increased trade for the Ngonis to have the resources to build schools, hospitals, and other infrastructure necessary for development. But by 1900, only 2,500 heads of cattle remained after Rhodes and his company’s looting. They claimed these were reparation payments, for a war they themselves had started and won!
A new and complex era such as ours requires principles more than ever. It requires far greater awareness. This awareness is built by combining experiences of the past and the present with a vision of an anticipated future. It must be built by synthesizing all revolutionary thought, the best ethical and humane ideas of all authentic religions, the sum total of the teachings of many political thinkers, and many progressive schools of thought.
Political ideas are worthless if they are not inspired by noble, selfless sentiments. Likewise, noble sentiments are worthless if they are not based on correct and fair ideas.
We have chosen to defend certain principles that are of tremendous value at a time of confusion, unbridled populism and opportunism in our country and in the world, a time when many politicians are feathering their own nests and are ready to congregate around outright criminals, thieves, and crooked tenderpreneurs who have misappropriated public funds without delivering on their public works contracts. Crooks, scoundrels, hyenas, and jackals are regrouping without shame. What would Nsingu and his young Ngoni warriors do to such elements?
Eternal glory to the selflessness, principledness, courage, honesty, and incorruptible spirit of Nsingu and the young Ngoni warriors! Aluta continua!
Fred M’membe President of the Socialist Party and People’s Pact 2026 Presidential Candidate
THE Commuter Rights Association of Zambia has urged commuters not to expect reductions in bus fares following the recent reduction in fuel prices by the Energy Regulation Board.
CRAZ President, Aaron Kamuti, says there has been little willingness among key stakeholders to engage and review bus fares, in light of the fuel price reductions.
Speaking in an interview with RCV News in Lusaka today, Mr. Kamuti noted that the monthly fuel price review mechanism has also failed to bring stability to the transport sector.
He explained that stakeholders remain concerned that the continued depreciation of the kwacha could trigger further fuel price fluctuations, making it difficult to sustain fare reductions.
Mr. Kamuti has therefore called for the adoption of a more stable fuel pricing mechanism that would promote predictability and long-term stability in the transport sector.
