PARAMOUNT CHIEF MPEZENI RAISES CONCERN OVER CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PROCESS

Inkhosi YaMakhosi Mpezeni of the Ngoni people says the proposed constitutional amendment lacked sufficient consultation in its initial stages.

The traditional leader stated that there should have been consultations with traditional leaders and other stakeholders before formulating the bill.

Speaking during a courtesy call by Justice Minister Princess Kasune today, Inkhosi YaMakhosi noted that the traditional leadership was sidelined and only learned of the proposed amendment after it had already been formulated.

However, he acknowledged that some clauses in the bill are progressive, particularly those that provide opportunities for young people and women.

Ms. Kasune explained that the UPND government is not the only administration to have identified gaps in the constitution.

She further clarified that the intentions behind the proposed amendment are to empower women, youth, and persons with disabilities who aspire to political leadership.

This would be achieved by creating additional constituencies, some of which will cater to groups that have long been overlooked.

Breeze FM

MAIZE FLOW PRICE FOR THE 2025 MARKETING SEASON A JOKE

…if you consider the amount of labour and cost of fertilizer, says KASHINGA

MUFULIRA… Tuesday June 3, 2025 — Socialist Party (SP) Vice Provincial Chairperson for Copperbelt Reagan Kashinga has criticized the maize flow price for the 2025 crop marketing programme announced by the Food Reserve Agency (FRA).

FRA, earlier today, revealed that it would be buying a 50 kg bag of maize at K340, showing an increase by K10 from last year’s price.

Mr. Kashinga said the announced maize flow price is a joke considering the amount of labour put in by farmers and the cost of fertiliser.

“We wish to reject the maize flow price for the 2025 marketing season announced by the Food Reserve Agency (FRA). FRA says it will be buying 50 kg maize at K340, showing a slight increase of K10 from last year’s price. The announced maize flow price is a joke if you consider the amount of labour and cost of fertiliser. We wish to state that the struggling small scale farmers won’t reasonably benefit from maize they have been growing at a higher cost,” he reacted.

Mr. Kashinga has asked FRA to consider revisiting the maize flow price announced.

“Our farmers needed to be rewarded for their efforts with a competitive maize flow price. Most of these farmers never fully benefited from the Government supported farmer input support programme. Today, the Government can even boast a bumper harvest when most of our farmers were neglected as they shared fertiliser in small packages known as medas.

“Some of these farmers resorted to using chicken manure just to have better yields this season and thanks to God for the good rains otherwise we were going to have another disastrous farming season.We ask FRA to consider revisiting the maize flow price announced on Tuesday, 3rd June, 2025. We expected FRA to buy at least 50 kg at K400,” Mr. Kashinga said.

He further challenged FRA to start buying crops cash.

“We also call on the Government through FRA to buy maize on a cash basis. Some farmers resort to selling maize to private buyers because FRA takes a long time to pay farmers. The Socialist Party wants FRA to pay farmers immediately if they buy maize. We also demand that FRA increases the number of satellite depots for maize procurement. We are aware that many farmers move long distances to access FRA depots when selling their maize,” Mr Kashinga said.

HH Tax Compliant, Says State House

By Masauso Mkwayaya

State House says President HAKAINDE HICHILEMA is a seasoned businessman who has been tax compliant from the time he ventured into business.

Chief Communications Specialist, CLAYSON HAMASAKA says President HICHILEMA knows his obligations and will comply with tax obligations relating to his farming business, as stipulated by tax laws.

He says even at the highest peak of his political persecutions before ascending to the Presidency, President HICHILEMA  did not have tax related accusations as he has always been a law-abiding citizen.

In a statement to ZNBC News, Mr. HAMASAKA said all Zambians and eligible taxpayers are required to pay taxes to the Zambia Revenue Authority -ZRA, to contribute to national development.

He said nobody will be exempt from paying tax unless the industry there in, has tax exemptions and incentives.

Mr. HAMASAKA said one such economic sector is agriculture; hence the reason the President has been encouraging Zambians to venture in that sector to promote productivity.

He said the tax incentives are available to all Zambians and foreign investors.

ZRA has put up tax incentives in all sectors of the economy with the Agriculture sector with the most lucrative.

In the Energy Sector, solar equipment imports are largely exempt from customs duty as part of the government’s initiatives to promote renewable energy adoption.

Zambia also offers a comprehensive range of tax exemptions and incentives to promote investment and growth in the tourism sector.

Pay day has now become a nightmare for majority of civil servants, workers – Mufulira MP

By Chinoyi Chipulu

Mufulira Central Member of Parliament Golden Mwila says workers in Zambia, among them civil servants are suffering to a point where salaries barely stays 24 hours in their bank accounts.

And Mwila has called on the Ministry of Labour to address the plight of workers contracted under Mopani Copper Mines in Mufulira, who are allegedly getting between  K1,300 and K2,500 per month.

Mwila said the worst day for a civil servant now was their pay day because they are in high debts.

“This is the worst day for them because it’s the day that they have to pay back all the inconvenience, all the debts that

https://dailyrevelationzambia.com/pay-day-has-now-become-a-nightmare-for-majority-of-civil-servants-workers-mufulira-mp/

Mpezeni Slams Lack of Consultation in Constitution Amendment Process

Chipata, June 3 – Inkhosi YaMakhosi Mpezeni, the paramount chief of the Ngoni people, has strongly criticized the proposed constitutional amendment, saying it lacked meaningful consultation with traditional leaders and key stakeholders from the outset.

Speaking during a high-level courtesy call by Justice Minister Princess Kasune, Mpezeni expressed deep disappointment that traditional leaders — who are the custodians of culture and community values — were sidelined during the early stages of drafting the bill.

“This is a national document. You cannot make such far-reaching decisions without first engaging those who stand as pillars of our society,” said the visibly concerned traditional leader. “We only heard about the bill after it had already taken shape. That is not how you build consensus in a democracy.”

Mpezeni emphasized that meaningful development and governance reforms must be rooted in inclusivity and respect for traditional leadership structures, which play a crucial role in guiding and uniting communities.

Despite his reservations, the Ngoni king acknowledged that the bill does contain some positive elements, especially clauses aimed at enhancing the political participation of youth and women.

“There are progressive parts in this bill, I must admit — especially those that give a chance to young people and women to rise into leadership. But that good cannot overshadow the wrong approach used to reach this point,” he added.

In response, Justice Minister Princess Kasune clarified that the proposed amendment is not a partisan move, noting that previous administrations also recognized gaps in the constitution that required reform. She explained that the UPND government seeks to empower marginalized groups — particularly women, youth, and persons with disabilities — by creating new constituencies designed to include voices that have long been excluded from the political arena.

“This is about opening doors that have been closed for too long,” said Kasune. “Our goal is not just constitutional change, but transformational inclusion.”

While both leaders found common ground on the need for empowerment, the meeting highlighted the tension between modern governance and traditional authority — and the urgent need to bridge that gap through open dialogue and mutual respect.

Source: Breezefm. Like and follow their page for more news.

KABWE YOUTH DON MWENDA BACKS BILL 7, CHALLENGES CRITICS TO POINT OUT BAD CLAUSES

United Party for National Development (UPND) Kabwe-based youth, Hon. Don Mwenda, says Zambians have the right to submit their views towards a people-driven constitutional amendment bill by pointing out clauses or sections with which they are not comfortable with.

Mr. Mwenda notes that citizens and other stakeholders should not merely criticize Bill 7 without specifying parts of the proposed bill they feel should be amended during the ongoing consultations.

He believes that there is no better time to amend the constitution, as citizens will always find excuses to criticize the process. The right approach, he says, is for people to make submissions.

“As a young person, I strongly support the bill because it will address many challenges the country has been facing, such as issues with costly by-elections, which will be done away with,” Mr. Mwenda notes.

The Kabwe youth, who is also aspiring to contest the Kabwe Central parliamentary seat, emphasizes the need for the inclusion of persons with disabilities in the law-making process.

Mr. Mwenda says he has been advocating for an all-inclusive constituency office for Kabwe Central, as the current one is not accessible to persons with disabilities due to its location in a building that requires the use of staircases and lacks an elevator.

RE: CLARIFICATION ON THE DEMOLITION NEAR HEROES STADIUM IN MANDEVU CONSTITUENCY

The Lusaka City Council wishes to clarify recent developments surrounding the enforcement action carried out near Heroes Stadium in Mandevu Constituency involving vendors who had encroached on a piece of land opposite the stadium.

It is important to state unequivocally that the land in question is not public land. It was sold to a private developer, SOFITEL, by the previous government through a legitimate commercial transaction. As such, this land is privately owned. Government cannot—and will not—interfere with or break the sanctity of legally binding commercial agreements.

The matter was adjudicated in court, and the resultant court order in favour of SOFITEL was lawfully executed by the Undersheriffs of the Lusaka High Court.

We are aware that some members of the public, particularly from the opposition, have attempted to politicise this matter. We strongly caution against using such legal enforcement actions for political mileage. This operation was not politically motivated—it was a court-sanctioned process carried out under the supervision of the judiciary, and supported by law enforcement to maintain peace and order.

We are deeply concerned by the protest staged by a number of traders on Saturday, which resulted in a temporary blockage of the Great North Road and reports of isolated acts of vandalism. While the Lusaka City Council understands the frustrations of our traders, we urge them to operate strictly from legally designated trading spaces to avoid future disruptions to their livelihoods.

Let me reaffirm the Council’s position: order and legality must prevail in the use of public and private land. President Hakainde Hichilema has firmly put an end to the culture of caderism in markets and bus stations.

In line with this progressive governance, we must all uphold the rule of law and ensure that our trading practices align with the planning and zoning regulations of the city.

We commend the Zambia Police for professionally handling the matter, restoring calm without the use of force, and engaging the traders constructively through dialogue.

The Lusaka City Council remains committed to working with all stakeholders to create a conducive and orderly environment for business, but this must be done within the framework of the law.

Signed,
Ms. Ketty Nanyangwe
Deputy Mayor of Lusaka
Lusaka City Council

TAKE INTEREST IN THE GOLD OF CENTRAL PROVINCE – DR MILNER MWANAKAMPWE

Central Province Permanent Secretary Dr. Milner Mwakampwe has called on the Central Bank to take interest in the gold deposits spread across the province.

And Dr. Mwanakampwe has asked the Bank of Zambia to make members of the understand the fiscal policies by simplifying the language.

Speaking when Bank of Zambia governor Dr Denny Kalyalya and his two deputies flanked by board members paid a courtesy call on the Permanent Secretary ahead of their board meeting and stakeholder engagemnets in Kabwe, Dr. Mwakampwe said illegal mining of gold was leading to diversion of liquidity through illegal trade.

“This province has a lot of gold deposits, I ask you Bank of Zambia to take interest.

Every district in this province has the deposits close to the surface. People are mining willy-nilly and as they mine, money is not passing through the banking sector as people are being paid money that is coming from bags and whether this money is being accounted for or not is an issue that remains to be speculated about,” he said.

“I make a fervent appeal to Bank of Zambia, please let’s take interest in the gold deposits that God has endowed us with and see that the bank maybe can manage to find someone who can crop all these resources.

If we manage these deposits properly, we will be able to harness the resources of the country and touch livesk that feel we have left them behind.”

He also asked the governor to make available information on loan policies.
“When you say monetary policy, what are you talking about? Technocrats will understand but when you talk of a marketeer like me, why is it that when I borrow from the Bank, why does it feel like am crucifying myself for life? Explain to us what happens when we borrow and this affects that.

These are the issues you need to speak to the people about,” said Dr Mwanakampwe.

He said he was hopeful that as presentations were being done, the business people of Kabwe will be there as they will feel part and parcel of the process and they will feel recognized.

The Bank of Zambia team is in Kabwe and will hold a monetary policy board meeting before engaging stakeholders on the outcomes of the preceding meeting.

Hichilema is keen to win the support of MPs through inducement, as their votes will determine the fate of Bill 7: Unpacking the dangers of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill

Part II

By Sishuwa Sishuwa

Theme 2. Legalising the use of public resources for election campaigns
The second benefit that President Hichilema seeks to achieve through Bill 7 is getting members of parliament to campaign for his re-election and their own using public resources. The president hopes to achieve this objective by changing how the dissolution of parliament works before the general election. Article 81 (3) of Zambia’s constitution states that “Parliament shall stand dissolved ninety days before the holding of the next general election.” The three months that precede the election serve as the designated period for official nominations and campaigns.
Once parliament is dissolved by operation of law, MPs are no longer MPs and lose access to all the benefits that come with the office. Currently, these include a monthly net salary amounting to K60, 000, a $80, 000 interest-free car loan, and a truckload of allowances that cover their work-related costs such as travel, food, accommodation, sittings, and constituency-level staffing. Dissolving parliament long before the election is important to the democratic process for two reasons.

First, it allows those who were MPs before dissolution to focus on political campaigning instead of being encumbered by parliamentary business. Second, it prevents MPs from using public funds and other resources for partisan activities to the disadvantage of their opponents. Altogether, this creates a level playing field during the campaigns and contributes to the overall integrity of the elections.
Through Bill 7, Hichilema is proposing two amendments to the provisions governing dissolution.

The first proposal is to amend Article 81 (3) to read: “(3) Parliament shall stand dissolved a day preceding the date of the next general election.” The official justification is that this change would ensure that the term of office for MPs is strictly five years, as opposed to the current situation that falls short by three months.

The second proposal is to make MPs retain their position for this additional three-month period but without any official work: “Notwithstanding clause 3, Parliament shall not sit or conduct any business ninety days before the holding of the next general election.”
In making these two proposals, Hichilema has three objectives.

The primary objective is to entice all MPs to support the passage of Bill 7 by dangling a carrot in front of them. If there is anything that Hichilema learnt from his predecessor’s failure to pass Bill 10 in 2020, it is that no matter what the public or civil society says in opposition to an incumbent president’s plans on the subject, constitutional amendment bills are won or lost in parliament. This lesson explains why Hichilema could not embark on these constitutional changes much earlier in his term because he first needed to raise the two-majority support that is required to pass them. In furtherance of this objective, Hichilema worked with his loyalists in state institutions such as the police, the judiciary, the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ), and the Registrar of Societies to:

(i) hijack and take control of the opposition Patriotic Front (PF) by installing a state-backed faction as the party’s leadership whose very first action was to expel nine PF MPs in an attempt to force a series of by-elections;
(ii) delay the resolution of the resultant PF leadership wrangles using regime-friendly judges;

(iii) induce vacancies in several constituencies by using the police to arrest incumbent MPs on what appears to be politically motivated charges and getting regime-friendly magistrates to convict them, often after speedy trials or unusual judicial efficiency;

(iv) prevent the main opposition party from sponsoring candidates in the ensuing parliamentary by-elections either by manipulating the judicial process or using the Registrar of Societies and the ECZ on the ground that the party first needed to resolve its factional battles; and
(v) use incumbency advantage and vote buying to win.

Combined, these legal manoeuvres have enabled the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) to easily secure new four parliamentary seats in five of the seven constituencies that have held or are about to hold by-elections since 2022. The opposition have retained one seat while the remaining two by-elections are slated for 26 June and 7 August 2025. This abbreviated history of Hichilema’s political schemes provides the clearest evidence that the president had known much earlier that he would take to parliament self-serving and personally-driven amendments to the Constitution rather than implementing his party’s 2021 manifesto that promised to “complete the constitutional reform agenda, anchored on a broad-based consensus among all Zambians” (p.34).

Hichilema’s hope is that the UPND will win the forthcoming by-elections before Bill 7 is tabled in parliament to reduce by one or two the number of MPs whom the ruling party might need to bribe to pass the dreadful constitutional changes. 

In the meantime, however, the president is offering a more transparent form of bribery that he hopes will appeal to all the MPs: a promise to extend their tenure by three months, as many of them have long demanded. Delaying the dissolution of parliament to 24 hours before the general election would allow MPs to retain their existing lucrative renumerations – an inducement that greatly increases their chances of supporting Bill 7.

The second objective is to enable MPs to campaign for their own re-election using public resources. Campaign finance is ordinarily difficult to raise in Zambia, making attractive any interventions that would help deflate the cost of politics. Moreover, MPs receive constant requests for financial support from their constituents and are required to make monthly financial contributions to their political parties for by-election and day-to-day operational expenses.

Allowing them to draw salaries for three months even when they will be doing no official work will significantly contribute to their war chest. In effect, this means MPs will be funded by taxpayers to carry out their political campaigns – another incentive for getting them to vote for Hichilema’s proposed constitutional amendments. 

The third objective is enabling MPs to campaign for Hichilema using public funds drawn from the free salaries and the consequent increase in their pension. Currently, lawmakers receive about three million Kwacha (the equivalent of US$110,000) as payment for gratuity in respect of their parliamentary service. Extending the life of parliament for three months would result in an upward adjustment of this amount, making available additional funds that can support their own – and, for ruling party MPs, Hichilema’s – re-election campaigns.
Altogether, the proposed changes would encourage electoral fraud, corruption, or unfair practices during campaigns, and gravely undermine democratic principles such as a level playing field.

For instance, challengers, often lacking in financial resources, would find it difficult to unseat incumbent MPs with deeper pockets and who will this time also enjoy the support of official staff in the constituency. Furthermore, the proposals are likely to work to the advantage of the UPND because candidates belonging to parties in government generally find it much easier to attract external financing or more resources from “well-wishers” than candidates of other parties whose campaign budgets usually draw on personal resources.

PARAMOUNT CHIEF MPEZENI SLAMS BILL 7 DRAFTING PROCESS AS ‘DISRESPECTFUL’ TO TRADITIONAL LEADERSHIP.

Paramount Chief Mpezeni of the Ngoni people has launched a scathing critique of the government’s handling of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 7, accusing the UPND administration of sidelining traditional leaders in a process he says lacks transparency and respect.

Speaking at his Ephendukeni Palace during a courtesy call by Justice Minister Princess Kasune, Chief Mpezeni did not mince words: “We have been ambushed. Government is pushing this bill without genuinely consulting those of us who have always stood as the voice of the people in our communities.”

The Paramount Chief acknowledged certain progressive aspects of the bill particularly its ambitions to empower women and youth but condemned the overall approach as dismissive and politically motivated. “Consulting chiefs after the fact is not consultation it’s tokenism,” he declared.

Bill 7, currently under national debate, is being touted by the government as a landmark reform aimed at promoting inclusivity through the creation of new constituencies, particularly for underrepresented groups, including persons with disabilities. But critics say the process reeks of top-down imposition and political expediency.

Justice Minister Kasune, in defense of the bill, said it seeks to address “long-standing constitutional gaps” that were also identified by previous governments. She insisted that the UPND administration is committed to transparency and inclusiveness.

But for many traditional authorities, those assurances ring hollow.

“Successive governments have treated chiefs as ceremonial relics rather than pillars of governance. Bill 7 is just the latest example,” Chief Mpezeni retorted, adding that any attempt to reshape the Constitution without robust, nationwide engagement risks deepening public mistrust.

As Parliament prepares to deliberate on the bill, civic bodies, traditional leaders, and political stakeholders are demanding a pause and a reset. The central question remains: Can a constitutional amendment aimed at inclusivity succeed if it excludes the very custodians of Zambia’s grassroots democracy?

June 3, 2025
©️ KUMWESU

BILL 7 NOT MAKING SENSE, WITHDRAW IT!

Mr. Hakainde Hichilema and his league are not making sense over their Bill 7. They should simply pick up courage and yield to public demand and withdraw it. In politics, one must not be too stiff-necked, too harsh and unyielding

In politics, and in life in general, yielding is legitimate and essential in two cases: when the yielder is convinced that those who are striving to make him yield are in the right (in which case, honest political leaders frankly and openly admit their mistake), or when an irrational and harmful demand is yielded to in order to avert a greater evil.

Mr Hichilema should learn to listen. When a leader stops listening, he stops leading. In politics, arrogance  doesn’t show strength; it actually signals decline.

Soon, Mr Hichilema will realise that ignoring people’s demands and criticism  isn’t strategy — it’s self-sabotage. Listening and yielding to people’s legitimate demands and criticism is strength and wisdom, not a weakness.

Over reliance on power doesn’t just corrupt — it isolates. Good leadership depends on the courage to hear and yield to what’s uncomfortable

When decisions on very important national issues like the Constitution are made in isolation, failure is a matter of time.

Fred M’membe
President of the Socialist Party

Constitutional-making process requires wide consultations-Dora Siliya

DORA SILIYA ON CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS

The principle of democracy is that the majority views carry the day. But American President Thomas Jefferson attributed the strength of a democrat to the ability to defend the right of opposing views to be heard. Later, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher implied that strong character is not to be afraid to have an opinion, even when it may not be shared by the majority.

The above, in my view, continues to capture the essence of the democratic political process.
At independence, Zambia had the 1964 constitution, which provided for multiparty democracy and a prime minister as head of government, based on the British system.

This was altered on 13th December 1972, when Zambia was declared a One Party Participatory Democracy which gave way to the 1973 constitution. In 1991, the constitution was amended to allow for a return to multiparty democracy.

This version was later amended significantly in 1996 and included new clauses on parentage status to determine citizenship. Since then, many attempts have been made at crafting a constitution that represents the citizens’ will, today, and into the future.

The history of constitutional making has mostly been preceded by nationwide consultation. The Chona Commission was the first in 1972 and led to the introduction of a one party state under UNIP in 1973, when a new constitution was adopted.

Following the wind of change to return to multiparty politics in 1991, the Mvunga Commission went nationwide as well, to hear the views of Zambians on many issues, including the death penalty. A new constitution led to the first plural elections since the one party state was declared in 1972. By the end of 1991, the United National Independence Party (UNIP) lost power and the Movement for MultipartyDemocracy (MMD), just about a year old then, became the second administration since independence in 1964.

In 1996, the constitutional amendments were preceded by the Mwanakatwe Commission and resulted in major changes to the 1991 constitution. A critical recommendation was the Bill of Rights guaranteeing citizens access to basics such as water and sanitation, health and education access, and decent housing. Some observers said the 1991 constitution was as good as repealed in 1996.

Finally, there was the Mungomba Commission in 2003 tasked to draft a progressive constitution for the nation after over a decade of plural politics. Once again, the commission went nationwide to seek the views of the citizens before submitting a draft. The new clauses included respect for human rights, freedom of expression, equality before the law, and provision for affirmative action for women and other disadvantaged groups.

It was at this point that a massive debate ensued on how the draft constitution would be adopted. While others argued that citizens elected parliamentarians to represent their interests, many in civil society expressed concern over leaving the adoption of such an important document to parliamentarians alone.

They argued that parliament represented narrow interests of the majority party, which would curtail critical debate that was in the interest of the citizens. Others, further argued that most of the MPs at the time, were  not well educated to deeply understand implications of the clauses, on the governance of the country (a grade 12 certificate is the minimum for one to stand as an MP).

In the end, the executive gave in, and in 2007, the National Constitution Conference (NCC) Act was passed to review the Mungomba constitutin draft and to adopt a final draft for parliamentary adoption The sitting included all MPs, civil society, religious, business, youth, women, children, and legal and traditional representation, among others.

The Patriotic Front (PF) political party boycotted the conference. In 2011, the NCC draft was defeated in parliament after the United Party for National Development (UPND), which changed its position to support the amended draft. This was even after UPND participated at the NCC. The Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) went on to lose elections that same year, and the PF became the third administration since independence.

Immediately after taking office, the PF released their constitutional draft and gave forty days for the public to scrutinise it. The draft included a Bill of Rights and clauses on forced labour, freedom of association, assembly, and demonstration, among others. Provincial conferences were held to include all stakeholders before a final national conference adopted the final draft, which was adopted after much debate in parliament in 2015.

On 5th January 2016, an amended new constitution came into being. This version removed the presidential by-election clause and introduced a running mate and the 50+1 winning clause at presidential elections. The deputy minister position was scrapped, and MPs were also removed as ex-officio members of the local authority. To deepen democracy and enhance good governance, the mayoral/council chairperson position became elective through universal sufferage. However, the public order act was maintained.

The Bill of Rights clause required a referendum of 50+1 to be amended and was defeated at the August 2016 general election after a massive campaign against it by the UPND and some civil society organisation. However, the PF won the elections with a new candidate who had won the presidential by-election in 2015.

However, it did not take long before lacunas were noticed in the 2016 amended constitution. These pertained to clause 52 on nominations and withdrawal of candidates, the position of the Chief Justice (CJ) in relation to that of the President of the constitutional court (administrative wise they are at par but the CJ is head of the Judiciary), delimitation of constituencies and even Commissions provided for but not functional, among others.

Bill 10 was proposed by the government to address some of the outstanding issues. However, the government failed to garner the support of the largest opposition, the UPND and the Bill was defeated. At the end of 2021, the PF also lost the elections in a massive defeat to the UPND, which became the fourth administration since independence.

By 2024, rumours began circulating about a secret team drafting amendments to the current constitution. As 2025 dawned, the government campaign on amendments to the 2016 constitution took shape and focused mostly on electoral clauses. Proportional representation for women, youth, and those with disabilities was also re-introduced. However, the driving thrust appeared to be delimitation of constituencies a year before the general election from 156 to 21, elected first past the post.

There are many individuals and organisations who took position with amendents to the constitution even before the draft was released. Many opposed very strongly new clauses without nationwide consultation, as has been the practice in the past.

I have personally participated in three constitutional processes from 2007 to 2011, 2012, and 2016, and 2018 to 2021. It is the most sacred duty of an MP. The constitution is an embodiment of our soul as a people and reflects our common struggle, ambition, and hope for the self-actualization of even those not yet born. IT IS EVERYTHING.

However, I felt that I could not make an informed opinion until I had sight of the draft, and now I have. I will share my position on the various clauses all week, from Wednesday at 12 hours.

Remain blessed.

A Rebuttal to Mark Simuuwe’s Remarks: “Amendments to Cut Election Costs, Raise CDF, and Promote Inclusive Representation”

By Thandiwe Ketis Ngoma

The United Party for National Development (UPND), through its Media Director Mark Simuuwe, is advancing a dangerous and deceptive agenda, misleadingly packaged as constitutional reform. The Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Bill No. 7 of 2025 is not a vehicle for progress. It is a calculated and strategic assault on the country’s democratic foundations. This proposed legislation is nothing less than a power grab, cloaked in the language of cost-cutting and inclusion, designed to entrench the ruling party and dismantle mechanisms of electoral accountability.

This is not reform. It is a deliberate and hostile restructuring of the political system to secure the ruling party’s survival at the expense of the people’s power and voice.

Undermining the Vote: A Direct Attack on Democracy

The most alarming provision in the proposed bill is the clause that allows political parties to replace elected officials without holding by-elections. This provision is being sold to the public as a cost-saving measure, but in reality, it is an insidious attempt to nullify the power of the electorate. It amounts to legalizing electoral fraud. It denies citizens their fundamental right to elect their leaders through the ballot.

This proposal effectively turns voters into passive observers. Party elites would be given unchecked authority to override public choice and install loyalists through internal party decisions, completely bypassing the electorate. Democracy thrives on the consent of the governed, expressed through free and fair elections. To replace elected officials without that consent is to spit in the face of every Zambian who casts a ballot with the hope of real representation.

If the UPND were genuinely concerned about reducing public expenditure, it would start by eliminating bloated delegations, reducing unnecessary foreign travel, and cutting back on lavish allowances. Robbing the people of their right to vote is not an acceptable way to save money.

Council and Ministerial Term Limits: A Cloak for Political Rigging

The proposal to fix five-year terms for councillors and to dissolve councils 90 days before elections is a strategic move to disrupt grassroots political accountability. It is intended to create a political vacuum that the ruling party can fill with its loyalists and proxies. Councils are crucial institutions for local governance and public service delivery. Disbanding them prematurely weakens citizen oversight and democratic engagement at the local level.

The requirement for ministers to step down 90 days before elections is being touted as a measure of fairness. However, in practice, it is a superficial gesture. We know all too well that the ruling party will continue to exploit state machinery and resources through proxies and informal networks. Unless backed by strong enforcement mechanisms and transparency, such measures are meaningless. Cosmetic changes do not equal integrity.

Empty Quotas: A Hollow Promise of Inclusion

The inclusion of quotas for women, youth, and persons with disabilities in the proposed amendment is being advertised as a bold step toward inclusion. But in the absence of political will and institutional change, quotas alone are ineffective. Inclusion cannot be legislated in a vacuum. It requires a political culture that values diverse voices and empowers marginalized groups with actual decision-making authority.

How many young people currently sit at policy-making tables in the UPND government? How many women hold powerful, independent positions beyond token appointments? Where are the persons with disabilities in influential government roles? Inclusion on paper is not the same as genuine political empowerment.

This clause is merely a public relations stunt aimed at winning international praise and distracting domestic scrutiny. It is not about justice. It is about buying headlines without delivering substance.

The Real Goal: Stripping Power from the People and Giving It to the Party

At its core, this Bill is about shifting sovereignty from the citizens to political parties. It seeks to replace the public mandate with internal party control. Such a change would erode vital checks and balances that are the cornerstone of any functioning democracy. By centralizing power in the hands of a few party elites, the proposed amendments weaken constitutional protections and pave the way for authoritarianism.

Mr. Simuuwe may attempt to dress this up as administrative efficiency or democratic progress, but the Zambian people are not blind. They can see through this carefully orchestrated plan to consolidate UPND control. The Bill is designed to sideline the opposition through technicalities, reduce electoral competition, and shield the ruling party from accountability.

This Is Not Reform. It Is a Blueprint for Tyranny.

Civil society, religious leaders, opposition parties, students, and all defenders of democracy must reject this Trojan horse in its entirety. This is not the time for polite engagement or quiet diplomacy. This is the moment for absolute and unwavering resistance. The Constitution is not a political sandbox for those in power to manipulate at their convenience. It is the sacred contract between the people and the state, and any attempt to alter it for partisan gain is a betrayal of the highest order.

Zambians did not endure decades of struggle, sacrifice, and political evolution to create a multiparty democracy only to see it dismantled by clever legalese and deceitful spin.

We must not be fooled. We must not be silent. We must not surrender our hard-won democratic freedoms.

The UPND Must Be Reminded

Power in a democracy does not belong to political parties. It does not belong to State House. It belongs to the people. If the UPND continues down this path of undermining democratic principles, it will face the full wrath of the people at the ballot box in 2026.

Zambians are not asleep. They are alert. They are informed. And they will speak—loudly, decisively, and without fear.