“IS THE CHURCH IN ZAMBIA PARTIALLY POLITICAL?”-A Balanced Reflection Amid the Constitution Debate

By Golden Mapulanga – Diplomatic & Governance Expert

In moments of national debate—especially on matters as sensitive as constitutional amendments—emotions rise, opinions clash, and institutions come under intense scrutiny. One institution that always finds itself at the centre of public opinion is the Church.

Zambia proudly declares itself a Christian nation. Churches influence moral direction, community life, social values, and even national consciousness. But the question that many Zambians are quietly asking today is:

To what extent is the Church in Zambia partially political?

1. The Church Is a Human Institution—And Humans Are Political

The Church, despite its sacred mission, is run by human beings who are social, economic, and political actors. Bishops, pastors, and clergy operate in a world shaped by power dynamics, state decisions, and societal pressures.
This alone makes it impossible for the Church to exist completely outside the political sphere.

It is not wrong for the Church to comment on governance—morality itself has political consequences. But challenges arise when:

-clergy appear to take positions aligned with certain political actors
– church groupings are accused of indirectly influencing public decisions
-internal church politics shape national-level advocacy

This remains the uncomfortable reality.

2. Historically, the Church Has Played a Political Role—Sometimes Positively

Zambia’s own history shows the Church stepping into political spaces:

1. The 1990–1991 political transition
2. Mediation during election tensions
3. Advocacy on governance, corruption, and human rights

These interventions have saved the country from conflict and promoted accountability.
In these cases, the Church acted as a moral compass—not a political contestant.

3. The Current Constitution Amendment Debate: Why the Church Is Under the Microscope

With protests planned over the proposed constitution amendments, some segments of society allege that the Church is influencing or supporting certain positions.

Whether true or exaggerated, this perception exists because:

1. politicians sometimes use the Church to legitimise their agendas
2. church leaders often issue statements that are interpreted politically
3. church mother bodies are expected to take moral positions, which some view as political interference

At times, the Church is caught in the crossfire between civic action and political pressure.

4. The Church Must Guard Its Moral Authority

The strength of the Church lies in moral legitimacy, not political alignment.
When the Church is perceived as leaning towards or against government on constitutional issues, that moral authority becomes weakened.

For the Church to remain a trusted mediator:
1. Its statements must be consistent, principled, and non-partisan
2. It must separate prophetic voice from political participation
3. It must avoid being used as a weapon by either ruling or opposition actors

Otherwise, the same institution that should unite the nation may unintentionally divide it.

5. Citizens Must Also Reflect Honestly

As Zambians, we must avoid weaponising the Church only when it suits our political preferences.
The same Church that people praise for speaking out against one government should not suddenly be condemned when it speaks out under another.

The Church’s responsibility is not to please us—it is to uphold moral clarity.

6. So, Is the Church in Zambia Partially Political?

The honest answer is: Yes, to some extent—because it is impossible not to be.
But the key question is not whether the Church is political.
The key question is:

Is the Church being political in a way that promotes justice, peace, and national unity—or in a way that fuels division?

That is what Zambians should watch closely in this constitutional moment.

A Call for Calm and Reflection

As protests are being organised, and as debates intensify, all stakeholders—including the Church—must act responsibly. Democracy is strengthened when:

1. citizens protest peacefully
2. government listens sincerely
3. the Church speaks truthfully
4.  and political actors avoid manipulating institutions

Zambia belongs to all of us. Institutions must be preserved, voices must be respected, and national unity must remain the highest priority.

Your Diplomat

WHEN A FEW POLITICIANS THINK THEY ARE SMARTER THAN ALL CITIZENS: THE FOLLY OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN ZAMBIA

By Macphersson Mutale

In every democracy, there comes a moment when the true intentions of those in power are revealed—not through speeches or manifestos, but through their dealings with the constitution. Zambia has reached such a moment with the UPND’s pursuit of Bill 7, a legislative proposal that has raised red flags among citizens, civil society, and governance experts.

While the ruling party insists that the bill is designed to “clean up” the constitution and strengthen governance, the manner and speed with which it is being pushed tell a very different story—one that reflects political arrogance, elitism, and the dangerous belief that a handful of politicians know better than the entire population.

Constitutional reforms are not routine legislative adjustments; they are profound national undertakings that should be approached with caution, humility, and broad public participation. In Zambia, however, constitutionalism has too often been treated as a playground for political experimentation.

Every new government, intoxicated by the allure of power, feels compelled to tamper with the constitution, not out of necessity but out of political convenience. The UPND, despite its earlier opposition to similar maneuvers by previous administrations, now stands accused of replicating the same conduct it once condemned. Bill 7 has therefore become a symbol of a deeper democratic problem: leaders who, once in power, begin to believe that their judgment supersedes that of the people who elected them.

The central issue with Bill 7 is not merely its contents but the attitude surrounding its promotion. The tone emanating from certain corners of government suggests a condescending view of the electorate, as though ordinary Zambians lack the intellectual capacity to understand constitutional risks or appreciate the implications of such amendments. This elitist approach is not only undemocratic—it is profoundly disrespectful. A country’s constitution belongs to its people, not its political class. It is a social contract, not a political weapon. Yet Bill 7 appears to treat the constitution as a malleable partisan instrument, shaped to serve immediate interests rather than the long-term stability of the nation.

Zambia has walked this perilous path before. Under the Patriotic Front, citizens fiercely resisted Bill 10, recognizing it for what it was: a political project disguised as reform. The UPND, then in opposition, stood firmly with the people, decrying the manipulation of constitutional processes. It is therefore disturbing to witness the same party, now in power, seemingly flirting with the very tendencies it once condemned. This political amnesia, where leaders forget the principles they championed before assuming office, is one of the recurring maladies afflicting Zambia’s democracy.

The danger of Bill 7 lies not only in its timing but in its potential to deepen public distrust. Democracies do not survive on trust alone; they survive on transparent processes, dialogue, and consensus. A government that rushes constitutional changes without fostering national dialogue risks creating suspicion about its motives. What is the urgency? Who stands to benefit? Why the resistance to wider consultation? These questions linger unanswered, fuelling perceptions that Bill 7 may be less about national progress and more about political consolidation.

Citizens have every right to ask these questions because they are neither stupid nor uninformed. The era when governments could manipulate constitutional changes under the cover of public ignorance is long gone. Today, Zambians are more politically aware, more engaged, and more vigilant. Any government that underestimates this transformation does so at great political risk. Silence should not be interpreted as endorsement, nor should public patience be mistaken for approval.

If the UPND truly believes that Bill 7 is in the nation’s best interest, then the path forward is straightforward: submit the bill to rigorous public scrutiny. Open the doors for citizen participation. Invite independent experts. Allow civil society and opposition parties to debate the merits and dangers of the proposed changes. A constitutional amendment carried out in the spirit of transparency strengthens a democracy. One pushed through political maneuvering weakens it, divides the nation, and sets a dangerous precedent.

Ultimately, Zambia stands at a critical juncture. Bill 7 has become more than a legislative proposal; it has become a test of the UPND’s commitment to the democratic principles it once championed. Will the ruling party uphold the spirit of constitutionalism, or will it succumb to the temptations that have derailed previous administrations? The answer to this question will shape the nation’s democratic trajectory for years to come.

What must remain clear is that a constitution cannot be imposed on a people by leaders who think they are smarter, wiser, or more enlightened than everyone else. Political power is temporary; the constitution is enduring.

And when leaders begin to treat it as a partisan document rather than a national covenant, they undermine the very foundations of the democracy they claim to protect.

Zambians deserve constitutional reforms anchored in dialogue, transparency, and respect—not political arrogance disguised as progress. Bill 7 may yet prove to be the moment when citizens remind the political elite of a timeless truth: the power to govern comes from the people, and the people will not be sidelined.

 POSTMORTEM | Hichilema’s 3-Hour Press Conference; The Church Factor & Civic Tension

President Hakainde Hichilema walked into the State House press auditorium carrying the load of a week defined by clerical fire, civic mobilisation, and constitutional uncertainty. By the time the three hour press conference ended, one message was unmistakable: the President had chosen to confront the rising clerical opposition head on.

For the first time, State House cast the priest wing of the debate, along with its allied civic voices, as political actors rather than neutral moral referees.

The President’s sharpest lines were reserved for unnamed priests whose recent homilies have inflamed public sentiment over Bill 7 and political violence.

“The level of hatred for me is shocking. You can see and even touch the venom,” he said.

“I did not choose where I was born. None of us did. Do not preach hatred and hide in the name of the church or political party.” The tone was deliberate.

His target audience was a public trying to make sense of recent regional clerical interventions that have sounded more political than pastoral.

The background to this confrontation stretches back weeks. Archbishop Alick Banda of Lusaka warned that selective policing could push Zambia toward “strife, blood bath, and destruction of innocent lives and property.” Archbishop Ignatius Chama of Kasama urged Christians to join the Oasis Forum protest scheduled for November 28, describing it as “a sacred civic responsibility.”

In parishes, radio programmes, and Catholic social platforms, specific priests have called out the proposed constitutional reforms as dangerous and rushed. Some insist the country had entered “a decisive moment” that required resistance.

Insiders say authorities have been tracking a wave of “clandestine meetings” between senior clergy and opposition figures. The President used history to refer to current happenings.

Ahead of the 2021 General Elections, a certain catholic  priest was quoted as saying it would have been “better to rig the 2021 election than allow him to rule.” Hichilema called the statement “un-Christian” and “divisive,” adding that “while the international community is seeing opportunities in Zambia, some of our own citizens are advocating for violence.”

To underline the point, the seemingly verbally constipated President invoked the trauma of PF era brutality. “We will never allow a return to caderism,” he said. “We are seeing attempts by some former PF cadres to regroup and reignite violence.”

The subtext was clear. State House views the current clerical heat not as isolated moral concern, but as connected to political networks hoping to trigger a legitimacy crisis around Bill 7 as Zambia enters the 2026 cycle.

The President pushed back against the argument that constitutional reform cannot happen in an election period. “UNIP, MMD, PF amended the Constitution in election years,” he reminded.

“There was no problem, no street fights.”

He accused some actors of shielding a political agenda under the cloak of civic righteousness. “Why after 2026? There is someone you are waiting for,” he said, a thinly veiled reference to those believed to be waiting for a regime change.

President Hichilema also accused some clerics of abandoning neutrality. “The Church has become a host of negative talk,” he said. It was one of the strongest public criticisms any Zambian president has issued against Catholic leadership since the friction of the Mwanawasa and Sata eras.

His complaint reflects a growing view within government that certain clergy have shifted from watchdogs to partisans, using the pulpit to amplify opposition narratives rather than call for balanced engagement.

But even as the President delivered his strongest confrontation on clerical actors, the ground shifted under the feet of anti-Bill 7 voices. Minutes after the press conference, the Constitutional Court dismissed the application by CSOs to halt the Bill 7 process.

Hours earlier, the Oasis Forum had confirmed that it had engaged State House for dialogue scheduled for Wednesday, after suspending its Black Friday mobilisation. Government officials interpreted the timing as vindication. Critics saw a coordinated strategy to deflate momentum.

Still, the central tension remains unresolved. Maverick Catholic priests believe Bill 7 threatens the constitutional balance. CSOs aligned with the Oasis Forum insist the process lacks transparency. Government says the Technical Committee “consulted citizens from all provinces,” and the President argues that protests are an unnecessary escalation.

Hichilema’s warning was blunt: “Go to court or come to State House instead of toyi toyi. You will prevent investors.”

The country now waits for the Oasis Forum’s reaction to a press conference that framed them as potential sources of instability. Their dialogue meeting at State House remains uncertain. The priests who have driven the moral argument must decide whether to temper their tone or sharpen it. The political class is watching. So is the diplomatic corps. And so are citizens who understand that Zambia’s stability often hinges on the relationship between State House and the Church.

This evening, the postmortem reads like this. Hichilema has chosen confrontation over caution. Priests have chosen confrontation over quiet mediation. Bill 7 has become the battlefield.

The next forty eight hours will determine whether dialogue softens the fault lines or whether Zambia moves deeper into a constitutional showdown in which the Church, the courts, the streets, and State House collide.

: The Falcon

© The People’s Brief | Gathering —Francine Lilu; Analysis —Ollus R. Ndomu; Fact-checking —Goran Handya

UPPZ LEADER CHALLENGES PRESIDENT’S “HATE” NARRATIVE, CALLS FOR INCLUSIVE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PROCESS

United Prosperous and Peaceful Zambia (UPPZ) leader Charles Chanda has urged President Hakainde Hichilema to “move away from the belief” that Zambians who oppose the ongoing constitutional amendment process do so out of hatred for him.

Chanda’s remarks follow the President’s address earlier today, where Mr. Hichilema suggested that those resisting the amendments were driven by personal dislike rather than genuine democratic concern.

Speaking in an interview, Chanda said the President’s perception was misplaced, noting that citizens, civil society and the Church were raising substantive issues that deserved full attention.
“Zambians do not hate the President. Their concerns are legitimate and centred on what is being amended, not who is in office,” he said.

He emphasized that the Constitution remains the country’s most sacred governance document and must be protected from controversial changes that risk weakening democratic values.
According to Chanda, swift movement on the amendments without broad consultation has heightened public anxiety.
“People want to be part of the process. The speed and manner in which this is being handled is what worries them,” he added.

While affirming UPPZ’s support for the idea of constitutional reform, Chanda stressed the need to first resolve the long-standing issues embedded in the 2016 Constitution. He described the document as confusing and difficult to interpret.
“Even angels would struggle to interpret the 2016 Constitution. We need clarity before anything else,” he said.

Chanda called on the government to deepen public engagement, arguing that restoring trust requires listening to the people’s voice.
“Leadership must reflect the will of the citizens. Listening to their concerns is key to effective governance,” he noted.

He urged Zambians to remain united and push for a reform process that strengthens not divides the nation.

Furthermore, Chanda reaffirmed UPPZ’s readiness to work with government, but insisted that the amendment process must be transparent, participatory, and centred on the common good.

“We agree on the need for amendments, but they must be done the right way by including the voices of the people,” he said.

KUMWESU

WHAT DOES THE S&P UPGRADE MEAN FOR “ORDINARY” ZAMBIANS?

My fellow citizens, following some inbox comments after our initiation press release and my media briefing on Sunday, allow me who has seen many seasons of our nation’s journey to share a word. I have lived through the hopeful days, the difficult days, and the years when things seemed to fall apart faster than they could be put back together.

I was here (as Minister of finance and National Planning 2008-2011) when Zambia’s creditworthiness was strong enough to inspire confidence. I was also here between 2015 and 2021 (as opposition MP), when things began slipping — quietly at first, then suddenly — and the country drifted into a debt storm that many of us feared we would not easily escape.

But today, as I reflect on the S&P decision to upgrade Zambia’s credit rating from Selective Default to CCC+, I feel a type of hope I have not felt in many years — not reckless hope, but the grounded hope that comes from seeing real work being done, real discipline being restored, and real lessons finally being applied.

Let me explain, in simple language, how we got here, and why the upgrade matters for you, your children, and this country we all cherish.

How We Got Derailed

Between 2015 and 2021, the truth is that Zambia lost control of its borrowing. Some loans were signed without proper Ministry of Finance assessment, and most of them even without full parliamentary oversight. Guarantees were issued quietly, records of debts of state-owned enterprises were poorly managed, and big projects were launched without clear analysis of who would pay tomorrow’s bill.

By 2018–2019, the warning signs were flashing red

1) Debt figures kept changing;
2) Revenues could not keep up with expenses;
3) Borrowing shifted from concessional sources to expensive commercial lenders;
4) No IMF anchor existed to guide fiscal discipline; and,
5) And by 2020, when the country failed to pay a US$42.5 million Eurobond coupon, we officially fell into default.

Let us be honest, it was not just external shocks. It was choices. It was governance gaps. It was systems that were too weak to protect the country from itself. That default stained our credibility and shut the door to international markets. Businesses suffered, costs went up, and the country was thrown into one of its toughest economic phases.

The Turning Point: Post-2021 Reforms and the Climb Back Up

After 2021, something changed — not overnight, but steadily. A new approach took root:

1) Transparency was restored in debt reporting;
2) Fiscal discipline returned;
3) Incorrect and hidden debt numbers were cleaned up;
4) The IMF programme provided an anchor;
5) Debt restructuring negotiations began in earnest; and,
6) And Parliament passed the Public Debt Management Act, 2022, which for the first time demanded that every loan must be approved and justified — no more backdoor borrowing.

These reforms were not glamorous. They were slow, painful, technical, and disciplined. But they restored credibility.

And because of that work, Zambia has now been upgraded by S&P, officially moving out of default territory after five very long years.

Why This Upgrade Matters to Ordinary Citizens

Some people may ask, “How does an S&P rating help me when nshima is still expensive?”
The answer is simple: Ratings determine what the country pays to borrow, and what the country pays influences your cost of living.

This upgrade means:

1) Investors see Zambia as a safer place to do business;
2) Government can access cheaper financing for roads, clinics, schools, energy, and water systems;
3) The economy becomes more predictable — and predictability lowers prices;
4) More investments can flow into mines, tourism, agriculture, trade and logistics;
5) Jobs begin to grow in sectors that were dormant: manufacturing, transport, construction, services; and,
6) The country enters a path where inflation can stabilise and the Kwacha can regain some strength

In short, the upgrade is a step toward normalcy, toward the Zambia we want — where young people find jobs, where businesses can breathe, where farmers can plan, and where the cost of living does not feel unbearable.

A Man Who Has Seen It All — And Now Feels Hope Again

As someone who lived through both the good years and the difficult ones, let me tell you what gives me hope today: for the first time in a long time, Zambia is not just growing by chance, it is growing by design. We now have:

1) A functioning debt management system;
2) Parliament controlling borrowing at a detailed level;
3) An IMF-backed framework pushing discipline;
4) State-Owned-Enterprises being supervised tightly;
5) Transparent quarterly debt updates;
6) A renewed culture of policy predictability; and,
7) And a national commitment to never repeat the mistakes of 2015–2021.

This is why international partners are responding positively. This is why investors are returning. This is why S&P has moved Zambia out of default. The country is not yet where we want it to be, but it is firmly walking in the right direction.

But Let Us Be Cautious: Slippages Can Destroy Everything

Let me sound a warning, from a man who has seen how quickly things can fall apart. Economic recovery is fragile. One wrong step can take us back.

To get to a rating upgrade, we have avoided:

1) Unauthorized borrowing;
2) Opaque deals;
3) Reckless spending;
4) Hidden guarantees;
5) Undisciplined SOEs; and,
6) Weak procurement controls.

If we slip into old habits, this new trust can evaporate in an instant. The safeguard measures put in place after 2022 must be protected fiercely. They are the guardrails that will keep us on the path to prosperity.

Where Do We Go From Here

The S&P upgrade is not just a technical announcement, it is a national milestone, a sign that Zambia can rebuild, reform, and rise again.

If we stay disciplined:

1) Cost of living will stabilise;
2) Energy and agriculture reforms will boost productivity;
3) More jobs will open in mining, manufacturing, tourism, logistics and services;
4) The private sector will expand;
5) SMEs will find more opportunities; and,
6) And our young people, who are the majority, will inherit a stronger, fairer, more resilient Zambia.

We have travelled through a painful valley. Now, cautiously but confidently, we are climbing toward higher ground. Let us protect this progress. Let us stay focused.

And let us never again walk blindly into the mistakes that once brought this country to its knees.

Better days are possible — if we remain vigilant, united, and committed to responsible governance.

– Dr Situmbeko Musokotwane, MP
Minister of Finance & National Planing

MIKE MULABE REACTS TO PRESIDENT HICHILEMA’S PRESS CONFERENCE WITH RENEWED HOPE FOR COMMUNITIES

November 2025
Kabwata, Lusaka

Community activist Mike Mulabe has expressed deep optimism and renewed confidence in the country’s developmental trajectory following President Hakainde Hichilema’s national press conference delivered earlier today.

Speaking from Kabwata, Mr. Mulabe said the President’s address was not only reassuring but also a powerful reminder of how far the nation has progressed under the UPND administration. He noted that before the President even delved into matters of national concern such as political violence, he began by outlining concrete, measurable achievements that have transformed the lives of ordinary Zambians.

Mr. Mulabe emphasized that one of the most remarkable milestones highlighted was the mass recruitment of over 30,000 public service workers, an effort he described as “unprecedented in Zambia’s history.” He noted that the President’s “formula of eight” clearly demonstrated the multiplier effect of such recruitment — showing that the impact extends far beyond the individuals employed, positively affecting millions of dependents across the country.

On free education, Mr. Mulabe echoed the President’s call not to trivialize its significance. He recalled the President’s reminder that over 2.6 million children are now in school due to this policy — children who would otherwise be sitting at home due to financial constraints. He further appreciated the government’s commitment to producing desks locally, which empowers communities while improving learning environments.

Importantly, Mr. Mulabe commended the President for openly acknowledging the current energy challenges the nation is facing. He said such honesty from the Head of State inspires trust, especially when accompanied by clear solutions and interventions.

The most striking announcement for him was the directive for all 156 constituencies to generate at least 2 megawatts of power using Constituency Development Funds (CDF). Mr. Mulabe said this revelation “changes the trajectory of local development” and places a new responsibility on local leadership to ensure that the opportunity is not wasted.

“The President has made it clear — the plan is in place, and funds are available,” he said, referencing the US$100 million earmarked for this national energy initiative. “Now the responsibility falls on us in constituencies like Kabwata to take ownership, innovate, and generate our two megawatts. This will not only reduce pressure on the national grid but will also allow communities to benefit directly before power is sold externally.”

Mr. Mulabe described the President’s press briefing as one that “restored confidence, provided clarity, and reignited a national spirit of participation in development.”

He urged residents of Kabwata and other constituencies to remain proactive and fully engaged as the government rolls out initiatives aimed at bringing sustainable solutions closer to the community level.

Mike Mulabe

ODM

RUSSIA SET TO REJECT NEW UKRAINE PEACE PLAN – MEANING THIS WAR ISN’T ENDING BEFORE CHRISTMAS

The new 19-point peace plan – the cleaned-up version of Trump’s controversial 28-point draft – was supposed to be the first real shot at ending the war.

Instead? Sources say Russia is preparing to shoot it down, then pretend it’s still “open to dialogue” so Trump doesn’t think Putin is stonewalling him.

Classic Kremlin diplomacy: sabotage with a smile.

Lavrov is already out front, saying that anything deviating from the original Anchorage draft is unacceptable.

Meanwhile, Kyiv accepted the updated plan – because this version doesn’t force Ukraine to:
• shrink its military by 70%
• abandon NATO forever
• hand over the entire Donbas as a consolation prize

Which tells you how slanted that first plan truly was.
Behind the scenes, U.S. officials expect Russia to deploy the usual toolkit:

Vague statements, “supportive” signatures with zero follow-through, strategic leaks, and enough smoke to keep Trump believing progress is happening.

Because here’s the uncomfortable reality for Moscow:

The moment Trump decides Putin is playing him, the political temperature shifts instantly.

With Kyiv now publicly on board the 19-point plan – and Washington aware of Putin’s stalling tactics – Moscow risks cornering itself.

This next phase won’t be decided by battlefield moves.

It’ll be decided by who blinks first in a room full of negotiators who don’t trust each other.

Press Statement for Immediate Release

PRESIDENT HAKAINDE HICHILEMA MUST END DIVISIVE POLITICS AND RESPECT CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER

Tue. 25th Nov. 2025

The Patriotic Front wishes to express its deep concern over President Hakainde Hichilema’s continued propagation of divisive rhetoric, including insinuations that Zambians harbor dislike for him based on his place of birth. Such statements are not only misleading but undermine the unity and cohesion that have long defined our nation.

Mr. President, it is imperative that you pause and undertake sincere self-reflection, especially regarding your pattern of appointments to positions of authority. It is clear that your governance continues to be driven by an unhealthy fixation with the Patriotic Front, resulting in decisions that further polarize the country. This conduct is unbecoming of a national leader and has become increasingly unacceptable.

Zambia has always been a united and indivisible nation, home to 73 recognized ethnic groups, each valued equally under the timeless motto One Zambia, One Nation. This unity must be protected, not eroded through careless and divisive leadership.

Your suggestion that Zambians refrained from street protests because of your presence in State House is false and condescending. Our people upheld peace because Zambia is a democracy anchored on the rule of law, not because of fear, intimidation, or favour from the Presidency. However, under your administration, the quality of governance has significantly deteriorated, and the country is steadily regressing.

The Constitutional Court, in the landmark case of Munir Zulu and Célestin Mukandila v. The Attorney General, declared Bill No. 7 unconstitutional. The Court further guided the nation on how constitutional amendment processes must be initiated through inclusive consultation with the Zambian people via a committee of experts, not a partisan committee of cadres hand-picked to rubber-stamp illegal intentions.

Neither the Oasis Forum nor the citizens of this country will be intimidated by your empty threats. Zambia remains a constitutional democracy, and the rights of its people are inalienable, fully protected by the Constitution.

Your attempt to force through unconstitutional amendments has already been rejected by the majority of Zambians because the process you have adopted is irregular, unlawful, and contrary to both the judgment of the Constitutional Court and the spirit of our Constitution.

The demands of the Oasis Forum reflect the demands of the Zambian people and they must be respected. All Zambians are calling for one thing: that the right procedure be followed. The correct course of action is straightforward, withdraw Bill No. 7 and restart the process using proper legal and constitutional mechanisms.

Zambia belongs to all of us, and patriotism must override narrow partisan interests. We therefore call upon all citizens not to be intimidated by President Hichilema’s rhetoric, but instead to unite with the Oasis Forum in defending our democracy, our Constitution, and our national values.

Honourable Given Lubinda
Acting President, Patriotic Front